My Jimdo Geocities Lifeboat
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PLASTIC: This story was originally published by Grist. Sign up for Grist’s weekly newsletter here.
If you were to create a recipe for plastics, you’d need a very big cookbook. In addition to fossil fuel-based building blocks like ethylene and propylene, this ubiquitous material is made from a dizzying amalgam of more than 16,000 chemicals—colorants, flame retardants, stabilizers, lubricants, plasticizers, and other substances, many of whose exact functions, structures, and toxicity are poorly understood.
What is known presents many reasons for concern. Scientists know, for example, that at least 3,200 plastic chemicals pose risks to human health or the environment. They know that most of these compounds can leach into food and beverages, and that they cost the U.S. more than $900 billion in health expenses annually. Yet only 6 percent of plastic chemicals—which can account for up to 70 percent of a product’s weight—are subject to international regulations.
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LENT: Leader Reporter- 12 Feb 2024
BISHOP of Limerick Brendan Leahy has said that almsgiving this Lent should not be just about financial generosity but giving more in areas like the time we spend with loved ones, welcoming refugees to our area and by simply being better at understanding.
In his Lenten Letter, this year on the theme of “giving”, read out at Masses across the Diocese over the weekend, Bishop Leahy said that when we think of Lenten giving, we might assume it’s about contributing financially to the poor and good causes, which is noble.
“That is indeed good to do. But almsgiving is about much more than that. It has to do with our day-to-day attitude to life,” he said.
“Lent offers us a time to improve a little more in becoming people who throughout the day live with an attitude of cheerful giving.”
Bishop Leahy invoked the message of patron saint of the Diocese of Limerick St. Ita, who said, when asked by St. Brendan, the three things God especially loved were True faith in God with a pure heart, a simple life with a religious spirit, and open-handedness generous giving inspired by love.
While we might not have much finance to share today, there are many more ways of giving, he continued.
“For instance, we can lend a listening ear to someone who wants to chat. We can exercise patience in situations that are testing us. We can give generously by doing our work well or carrying out our duties well as a mother or father, son or daughter, an employer, an employee,” he said.
“We can share our values by giving witness to them. We can offer a smile to welcome others. We can offer words of consolation or good advice. We can give by trying to understand others better and to forgive others if they have offended us.”
Bishop Leahy also said that welcoming refugees, including people of different religious culture is also a form of Lenten giving to be encouraged.
“Hospitality is a praiseworthy expression of giving, especially when we welcome, protect, promote, and integrate those who are refugees and migrants, or those with religious convictions different to ours. Volunteering and giving support and encouragement to the social initiatives in our church or neighbourhood is a valuable way of giving.”
Ultimately, he said, prayer for other’s people’s intentions and peace in our world is a wonderful way of giving.
“So, yes, there are indeed countless ways of giving. Let’s see how this we can try, with God’s grace, to give more of ourselves in our relationship with God and in our relationships with others. And let’s give thanks for all who have helped us and for those who, in big and small ways, work on our behalf.”
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Legio Mariae
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The Cave of Salome: Tomb of Jesus’s Disciple?
Nestled in the Judean foothills at Horvat Qasra is an ancient Jewish burial cave complex dating back to the Roman period (first century BCE–second century CE). During the fifth century, Byzantine Christians converted the cave complex into a Christian chapel dedicated to St. Salome. Is this Salome who was one of Jesus’s disciples? That Salome is remembered in the Gospels as one of the first to witness the empty tomb.
There are many Salomes noted in the Bible and other ancient works; however, almost none of them are worthy of sainthood. In this article, we travel deep inside this cave complex, tracing its archaeology from the Jewish burial complex to the Christian chapel. Then the authors delve into the mystery of Salome’s likely identity—examining sources in writing and art that point to midwife, dancer, companion, disciple, and sister.
Who was Salome, and what was her place in the traditions of Jesus and his followers?
Was Solomon’s union with an Egyptian bride an artful alliance or a biblical boast?
What was life like for the rich and famous of Jerusalem at the end of the First Temple Period?
These are just some of the questions we address in our research-rich Spring issue, which showcases the interconnectedness of the biblical world.
Excavations in Israel and beyond give us a glimpse into the complexities of life in the region thousands of years ago, and highlight how traditions, styles, and beliefs have blended and shifted across the centuries to create shared identities and cultures. Join us as we trace connections to the stories of Joseph, Paul, Solomon, the elusive Salome, and more.
"Fresco of the Three Marys at the Tomb by Fra Angelico, c.1439-1443. " (Picture)
𝙈𝙤𝙩𝙝𝙚𝙧 𝙈𝙖𝙧𝙮, 𝙥𝙧𝙖𝙮 𝙛𝙤𝙧 𝙪𝙨.
𝙃𝙖𝙫𝙚 𝙖 𝘽𝙡𝙚𝙨𝙨𝙚𝙙 Sunday 𝙢𝙮 D𝙚𝙖𝙧 𝙛𝙧𝙞𝙚𝙣𝙙𝙨
𝙖𝙣𝙙 𝙛𝙖𝙢𝙞𝙡𝙞𝙚𝙨, Legion of Mary All Over the World.
"PLS! KINDLY LIKE, HEART AND SHARE" LET SPREAD THE GOOD NEWS
Our Lady of Sion, Pray for us
St. Salome, pray for us.
Servant of God, frank Duff pray for us.
#LEGIOMARIAE
#LegionOfMary
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Search Turtle Bunbury's History Library
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Moore
https://turtlebunbury.com/document/the-mountcashell-connection/
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Kerry Born
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Garden
https://www.dandmgardencentre.ie/
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REFLECT: “I heard your song this morning while laying in my bed in the January half-light my hands behind my head. Like a shaft of golden sunlight that pierces winter's gloom your solo piping thrilled me and filled my lonely room. The other birds all silenced by Jack Frost's icy grip not so my cheeky chanticleer who gallantly gives lip. Oh little robin redbreast your praises now I'll sing. I rise with soul uplifted brave messenger of Spring. Garry McMahon.
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POINTS TO PONDER Theologian William Barclay wrote that there are three ways to make the New Year meaningful; a) something to dream, b) something to do, and c) someone to love. ‘I have a dream’ said Martin Luther King. We should have a noble plan of action (dream a noble dream), for every day in the New Year. We need to remember the proverb: ‘cherish your yesterdays, dream your tomorrows, but live your todays.’ It has been truly said that an idle mind is the devil’s workshop. We must not be barren fig trees, nor barren branches in God’s vineyard. We must be always engaged, doing good for others and loving the men and women we encounter in daily life, for they are our brothers and sisters in Christ. This becomes easier when we make God the center of our life and realise His presence in all the people around us. Let us light a candle instead of blaming the darkness around us. Just as the moon borrows the sun’s light to illuminate the earth, we must radiate the Light of God shinning within us. Let’s pray the prayer of Dag Hammarskjold: ‘Lord, for all that has been, Thanks! For all that will be, Yes!’ (Fr Antony Kadavil, Intercom Magazine)
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ST MUNCHIN'S COLLEGE: P Murray (Capt); L Looney, P Kilbridge, D Dineen, P Craughan, P Danagher, W Quinlan, R Moloney, P Lloyd, D Hannon, J Ahern, R Sheehan, G Moylan, T Leahy, T O'Connor. Subs: P Culhane, J O'Donoghue, D Liston, M Walshe, E O'Sullivan, M Rushitzko.
ST MUNCHIN'S College secured Munster Schools Senior Cup glory when defeating Presentation Brothers College of Cork in the 1982 final.
PBC, CORK: P Attridge, T O'Sullivan, D Hyland, G O'Kelly (Capt), N Humphries, P Dineen, B O'Shaughnessy, J Livessy, M Sheehy, F O'Donoghue, A St Ledger, M McKenna, J O'Connor, D Diggin, P McCarthy. Subs: D O'Sullivan, G Doyle, R Ruttledge, F O'Donoghue, P Buckley, E O'Driscoll.
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A $500-million dollar class-action lawsuit filed by two former migrant farm workers alleges the government of Canada’s foreign farm worker program is “racist.”
In the 1950s, Canadian government officials briefly considered making migrant farm workers work for a specific employer, however they later rejected the notion because they said it would be akin to slavery.
“It would be contrary to the whole Canadian belief in freedom of the individual,” said then-immigration minister Walter Harris.
However in 1966, the government allowed guaranteed work permits for particular employers, allowing for what would become known as “tied employment.”
Prior to the change, the majority of workers came from Europe. Later, migrant workers began coming predominantly from the Caribbean.
Now a $500-million class-action lawsuit has been filed against the federal government on behalf of migrant farm workers who have been working in Canada for the last 15 years. “Tied employment” is among the claims.
https://tnc.news/2024/01/01/migrant-farm-work-program-racist-lawsuit/
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Reflection
https://www.augustineinstitute.org/mission-circle
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Reflect
The Way I See It
By Domhnall de Barra
The other day, as I was out walking, I said to somebody passing by, “lovely day”. “it is, thank God” she replied and it got me thinking of how much a part of our lives religion was when I was growing up. It started each day as we got out of bed with morning prayers, then there was grace before breakfast and as we left the house for school, we were sprinkled with holy water and a little prayer that God would guard us and keep us safe on the road. Before the lessons started at school we had morning prayers again and of course we spent part of our day learning new prayers and studying the Catechism. There were two, the green and the red. There was never enough of these to go around so we shared one between two or three. This sometimes created problems with “nits” in the hair that were easily transmitted from person to person. If my mother saw us scratching our heads, the fine comb would come out and every inch of the head would be scraped on to a newspaper. If the infestation was bad you could actually hear the nits as they hit the paper. Every child in the house had to be done and then some kind of lotion was massaged on the heads. I don’t know what it was called but it had an awful smell. The Angelus was said when the bell rang at 12 noon and we had prayers before we finished school and made our way home. Grace before and after supper followed, before or after the Angelus at 6pm and then there was the rosary and finally bedtime prayers. People entering a house would say, “God bless all here” and other phrases like “fine day thank God”. God had to be given credit for everything good that happened during the day but we never blamed Him for anything bad ! We attended Mass every Sunday and Holy Day of Obligation without fail and went to Confession on Saturday at least once a month and received Holy Communion the following day. In those days you had to fast from 12 0’clock the night before to be able to get Holy Communion, which was a long time for somebody who was going to the last Mass on Sunday and maybe having to walk a few miles to get to the church. Lent was strictly observed with Fasting a abstinence for the duration anf of course every Friday of the year was a day when meat could not be eaten. So, religion did play a huge part in our daily lives but we didn’t even think about it because nearly everyone was a practising Catholic. The first time I saw the one family in the parish who were Protestant I was surprised to find them quite normal. I don’t know what I expected but we had been told that they were not the chosen people and would be going to Hell forever so maybe I though they would look more evil. Thank God we have left those notions behind us and we now appreciate other religions as well as our own. Times have changed and people are not as religious as they used to be but maybe they are better that some of those who used to go to Mass every morning and then not practice what they were taught in their daily lives. I know people who would come out of the church after receiving the sacraments and spread malicious gossip about a neighbour. Fr. Cussen once said, at a Mass in Athe, that when we go to meet our maker, we won’t be asked how many times we went to Mass or said our prayers, we would instead be asked how we treated our families and friends. I believe that he is right and that everyone who does good has the same right to the Kingdom of Heaven regardless of what their beliefs are. What religion we practise is decided by where in the world we are born. There are good and bad Muslims as there are good and bad Catholics.
The riots in Dublin the other night were, sadly, very predictable. There has been an increase in hard core right wing groups all over the world in recent years and their agenda is chaos and racism. Some have genuine concerns but, when they protest, they are infiltrated by a group of people who are out to cause damage and looting. It would be easy to say they are the product of backgrounds in deprived areas but that is not always the case. With some of them holding down very good jobs as well. It is easy to spread disinformation and hate in these days of mass media and there are those who believe everything they read. Yes, there is a problem with immigration. Ever before the Ukraine war, people who came here for asylum were left in direct provision for years sometimes before the government made a decision on their eligibility. There is also no doubt that we, as a nation, don’t have endless resources to deal with the numbers that are coming at the moment. We are only a very small island on the fringe of Europe and we should only have to deal with our fair share. That being said we should have a Céad Míle Fáilte for all those immigrants who are living and working in our community. They are not taking our jobs, as a matter of fact we are depending on them to keep some of our vital services going. There is plenty of work to go around. Ireland should be the last place on earth to deny genuine immigrants an opportunity to better themselves. After all didn’t our fore fathers go all over the world because they had to. There isn’t a family in this country who hasn’t got somebody who emigrated in the past. Some of them, too, suffered discrimination and racism but we should learn from that and realise that we now have a new Ireland, a land that is diverse but one that is being enriched by that very diversity. Don’t be taken in by people whose only agenda is to cause mayhem and damage. They represent nobody but themselves
https://www.athea.ie/category/news/
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Read my full story Financial Elder Abuse Book https://goo.gl/yDWCaQ
This File given to Garda Fraud
https://t.co/4aZSZCUA9N
But no Justice yet.
Petition of Michael Gavin fighting to receive compensation from Solicitor
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By Rody Sher
Jaranwala, 16 August, 2023 / 7:55 pm (ACI Africa).
Churches and Christian homes in eastern Pakistan were targeted in a series of mob attacks on Wednesday, following allegations that a Christian individual desecrated the Qur'an.
Bishop Azad Marshall, the President Bishop of the Church of Pakistan, expressed his anguish over the violence in Jaranwala, a district in Faisalabad.
Writing on X (formerly Twitter), Marshall highlighted the desecration of Bibles, the burning of churches, and the harassment of Christians. He called for immediate intervention from law enforcement and justice providers.
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Harare, Zimbabwe — June 29, 2023
Sr. Teresa Roszkowska remembers May 24 — the worst day in her 44 years as a Salesian Sister of Don Bosco living in Sudan — with a sense of trepidation, fear and insecurity.
On this day, Roszkowska and three others of her order were saying the rosary inside the dining room at their house 20 kilometers outside the capital city of Khartoum when "heavy and horrible shootings" broke out. It was not for the first time, nor would it be the last.
Despite ceasefire agreements between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), the two warring parties at the center of the civil conflict have been plaguing Sudan since April 15.
Sudan fell into the hands of military control in 2021 after Omar Ahmad al-Bashir was thrown out of power in a coup in 2019. The military-controlled government has now fractured, leading to the outbreak of war as they fight for control of power.
The SAF and RSF have been dueling, with intense fighting on the streets of Darfur and Khartoum, affecting ordinary citizens, destroying infrastructure and halting school and church activities, as well as shutting down about 11 hospitals. The war has plunged the country into a crisis, leaving 600 people dead and 1 million others displaced from their homes, many of them fleeing into neighboring countries.
'There are days when we are full of abnormally fearful silence and all we do is just pray, and hope that God will touch those hearts of stone.'
—Salesian Sr. Teresa Roszkowska
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BOOK: Carnage & Courage
Carnage & Courage- By Page Wilson
Right before World War II began, Page Wilson joined ambassador Joseph Kennedy to serve in England as part of the US diplomatic corps. This fascinating memoir details all she witnessed, from her government service to the Blitz.
Because you're interested in Biographies and Memoirs (Edit)
Light a Penny Candle- By Maeve Binchy
A New York Times bestseller hailed as “an Irish Thorn Birds… Complete and rewarding” (Newsday): Young Elizabeth White discovers the friendship of a lifetime when she moves to small-town Ireland to escape the London Blitz. “Reading one of Maeve Binchy’s novels is like coming home” (The Washington Post).
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The ULHG said the data breach occurred last January, when a member of staff mistakingly sent the information to an “unknown party”.
Efforts to recall the information relating to 1,066 patients attending gastroenterology services at three hospitals have so far proved unsuccessful.
“We are writing to over 1,000 patients in relation to a data breach within the gastroenterology services at University Hospital Limerick, Ennis Hospital and Nenagh Hospital.
https://www.independent.ie/irish-news/hospitals-group-admits-personal-and-medical-data-from-1066-patients-was-emailed-by-staff-member-to-unknown-party/a1840294679.html
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A historic photograph of the unveiling of the monument to Michael McSweeney in the late 1950s and of the crowd which the unveiling attracted on the day. And below a re-setting of the scene almost 70 years later at the same location in Shrone on Saturday. Photos courtesy of Tim Horgan.
The following is the oration delivered at the Michael McSweeney Centenary at Shrone Monument, Rathmore on Saturday last February 4th. 2023.
By Tim Horgan
The hedge school masters of two centuries ago ensured that the people of Sliabh Luachra were better educated than those who had held our ancestors in a state of serfdom.
They would speak of Eoghan Rua and Séafraidh Ó Donnachdha but also of Virgil and Cicero. It is Cicero’s words that echo here today.
That wise man of ancient Rome would declare ‘Poor is the nation that has no heroes, but poorer still is the nation, that having such heroes fails to remember or honour them.’ We know not how Cicero would judge today’s ‘official’ Ireland. But it is we who gather here today to remember, to honour, to commemorate a hero of Sliabh Luachra, a soldier of Ireland, a young defender of the Republic, Volunteer Michael McSweeney.
No Hollow Slogans
And is fitting that we gather on this roadway, not under political banners, not to utter hollow slogans, but as a community, a people proud of one of our own, who sacrificed his young life for liberty, for an Ireland unfettered by foreign rule. Rathmore rightly remembers Patrick O’Connor who, having heard Pádraig Pearse in 1916 read the proclamation of the Republic, died defending that Republic a few days later. Before he faced the firing squad Pearse declared that ‘You cannot conquer Ireland, you cannot extinguish the passion for freedom.
If our deed has not been sufficient to win freedom, then our children will win it by a better deed.’ ‘Our children will win it by a better deed’ and these words inspired a young Michael McSweeney, his brothers, and his comrades.
Couldn’t be Bribed or Bullied
They would take what England would not give and by their ‘better deeds’ the army of the conqueror was compelled to leave these mountains and valleys. But while the flag of the tyrant would fly no more in County Kerry, Ireland remained unfree, the Republic of Pearse and Patrick O’Connor was not to be.
Weak men would tumble what great men had built. Preaching pragmatism, politicians would deceive and there are always the many who wished to be deceived. Yet, there remained those that would not be fooled, those who could not be bribed or bullied, those whose guiding star was principle, not pragmatism. Armed with the idealism of youth, one such man was brave Michael McSweeney.
Present Day Political Requirements
One such courageous defender of Patrick O’Connor’s republic was Michael McSweeney.
They may have died seven years and two hundred miles apart, but they died for the same cause, both killed by British bullets, falling in the defence of the Republic.
The ‘Wise Men’ have told us that Michael McSweeney, his comrades, and their cause belong in past, they are best forgotten, they are not something for modern, mature Ireland to remember. History, like religion, is being pushed from the classroom, the ‘Wise Men’ have decreed that there is now little need for both.
Ireland is told what is to be remembered and what is to be forgotten, what is to be commemorated and what is to be ignored, all must chime with present day political requirements.
History – Not Theirs to Re-write
History, as defined by such ‘Wise Men’ and their academic acolytes, should be carefully confined to a few television programmes and to state sponsored choreographed conferences. But the history of Ireland is not theirs to re-write, not theirs to revise, not theirs to define.
The history of our nation is the heritage of the people of Ireland, ours to remember, ours to celebrate, ours to pass on. It is the history of generations of ordinary men and women who would refuse to yield, who would rise again and again never accepting defeat, it is the story of a down-trodden people who had little in life but their faith, dignity and heritage. It is this history that honours young Michael McSweeney who died defending the age-old Cause for which generations
before him had suffered.
McSweeney’s Death Not in Vain
By your presence here today, you give proof that the history of Ireland belongs to the people of Ireland, that Michael McSweeney’s death was not in vain and that those who would have him cast into a national amnesia will surely fail.
In 1798, when Lord Edward Fitzgerald’s mother was told that her son was a traitor to the state, she replied that history will speak a different language than English laws, and so it proved to be.
When Ireland could no longer be ruled by Britain, the empire quickly found men who would rule Ireland for Britain.
Bought with Power and Privilege
Easily bought with power and privilege, such vain men similarly labelled Michael McSweeney a traitor and a brigand. But history has again spoken a different language than that used by those who had bargained and sold. The names of those men who did their dark deed here on that February night were written in sand, to be soon washed away by the tide of history. And so, it should be.
But the name of brave Michael McSweeney is written in ink in our history books, it is inscribed in stone in monuments that stand here at Shrone and in Rathmore, it is recalled at firesides and at kitchen tables. History has judged, as it always does.
Not in Anger – Not in Sorrow
It has decreed that it was to be he that suffered the most that is to be remembered, and those who inflicted their worst that are condemned to be forgotten. Hence, we gather here today, not in anger, not in sorrow, not in mourning but with pride, pride in one who died so young, pride in one who died for Ireland’s liberty.
Our grandparents spoke little out loud of men such as brave McSweeney. They were told that they had been beaten. Blue not green became the colour. Stay silent or leave, and many left, including the McSweeney brothers.
Others such as Con O’Leary of Gneeveguilla fought on, but in vain. Patrick O’Connor’s Republic was sundered by a border, below and above with which politicians could be comfortable.
East Tyrone and East Kerry
East Tyrone with its football and music was decreed to be different from East Kerry with its football and music. Ireland had shrunken to 26 counties and new vocabularies would be developed. Termed ‘The War of
Independence’ , it didn’t achieve independence and the title suggests that all other rebellions of past generations were not indeed wars of independence at all.
The Irish might have a way with words but with them, we can deceive and be deceived. However, the ghost of Michael McSweeney will always be knocking on the door. This brave young soldier and the cause for which he died have become an embarrassment to many in power, to forget would indeed be convenient, to ignore has become policy.
Remembrance is a Duty
And yet, and yet, here we are today, we who refuse to forsake, we who will remember, we who know that to forget would be to betray. For us, remembrance is a duty, commemoration is an honour, a small payment for the great debt we owe to such as brave Michael McSweeney.
The victims of war are counted by the dead.
But those that suffered most and the longest, are those left behind to mourn. They are never recalled, their lifelong suffering is forgotten, their loss unending as an ungrateful state moved on, to forget became convenient, to remember subversive.
The bereaved also paid the price for our freedom.
Pensions and Political Office
While others, those who would abandon the cause for which this noble soldier fell, would benefit with power and privilege, with pensions and political office from the sacrifices of our patriot dead, the family of Michael McSweeney certainly would not. Michael McSweeney had parents, brothers and sisters, nieces and nephews, comrades and friends who shed their tears at Kilquane cemetery and long afterwards. They mourned his loss and would do so all their lives. They too paid the price for our liberty. Let us not forget.
On that fateful night a hundred years ago, they came with British guns and British bullets to further British policy in Ireland.
Black and Tans and Betrayal
They had hoped that Michael McSweeney’s cause would be buried with his bones. But the cause for which this young man died had survived Elizabeth’s butchering armies, Cromwell’s massacres, dispossession and eviction, the hangings of Whiteboys and the starvation of famine, emigration and cruel landlords, Black and Tans and betrayal.
Great men had died but their ideals could not be killed. The memory of Michael McSweeney and his cause will not fade, will not be forgotten, will not die.
Those who hoped, and indeed hope, that the flame of freedom could be extinguished are but more of ‘The fools, the fools, the fools, for they have left us another of our Fenian dead, while Ireland holds Michael McSweeney’s grave Ireland, unfree will never be at peace’.
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New Book on Appletown Farm Year-Long Eviction Stand-Off
Posted on September 16th, 2022
Former ‘Kerryman’ journalist and Castleisland woman, Marisa Reidy with Seamus Sherlock whose trails and tribulations she has chronicled in a new book: Seamus Sherlock – The Fight of My Life. Photograph: Andrea Etter.
A former Kerry journalist has just released her first book, recounting the year-long and much-publicised stand against eviction taken by a father-of-five back in 2012.
Marisa Reidy, who worked as a news reporter with The Kerryman Newspaper for 17 years until 2016, is the author of Seamus Sherlock – The Fight of My Life, a griping new book which chronicles the 350- day ordeal endured by Seamus Sherlock when threatened with eviction from his West Limerick farm in 2012.
Marisa first met Tipperary man Seamus while working with The Kerryman and covered his story extensively as he stood with his children to protect their farm in Feohanagh for almost a year.
A Truly Humbling Experience
In 2021, as the 10th anniversary of the story beckoned, Seamus approached Marisa to write his book. She says it has been a truly humbling experience to chat in so much more depth with Seamus and recount exactly what he and his family went through for almost a year.
In August 2012, Seamus was left devastated when he was issued with an eviction notice, having fallen behind on mortgage repayments a few years previously.
He had lost the bog he worked following a 2008 EU directive to preserve a number of Irish bogs, resulting in almost 80% of his income being wiped out.
Barricade at Appletown Farm
In a defiant stance against the bank, Seamus erected a barricade at Appletown Farm and for the next 350 days he and his five children were under 24-hour eviction notice.
Seamus and his family made national and international headlines over the course of their stand-off and now, 10 years on from his ordeal and as he prepares to sell Appletown Farm, Seamus shares his account of the toll that took on both himself and his children in this new book.
He documents in stark, heart-breaking detail the fear and mental anguish he suffered for almost 12 months, never knowing if or when he and his children would be evicted.
Support from friends and Strangers
He also talks about the support he received from friends and strangers alike; the abuse he got from others and how he soon discovered that so many other people were in the same desperate financial difficulty.
He recalls how he believed he would die protecting his farm and how he often said goodbye to his children without them even knowing it; and talks for the first time about his own suicidal thoughts during that time.
“I think it’s important, after what we went through at the time – and because it’s the 10-year anniversary – that we put down on paper what really happened.
Giving People Hope
We were the ones inside the barricade, and I was always conscious that I’d like the real story to be told. I didn’t want someone to write it from the outside, looking in. I was inside the gate with the children, and it was important to recall exactly what was happening at the time,” Seamus explained.
“As well as that, I’m also hoping that the book might give people hope.
In the first few months especially, hundreds of people contacted me, totally lost and craving help, and in awful debt.
Making a Wrong Decision
So even if this book helps one person from making a wrong decision late at night, or when the pressure is on, then it will have been worth writing. I’m not saying everyone could do what we did, but if we can give people hope and maybe help people take their heads of out the sand and face their problems, it might be easier for them.”
Speaking Frankly and in Detail
While Seamus has given many interviews to the press during and after his ordeal, this is the first time he has spoken so frankly and in so much detail about what he says was a year of hell on earth.
Seamus Sherlock – The Fight of My Life is now available online via The Book Depository: https://www.bookdepository.com/Seamus-Sherlock-Marisa-Reidy/9781915662231, with several other online platforms such as Amazon, Apple Books, Google Books and Blackwell adding the title in the coming days.
http://www.mainevalleypost.com/2022/09/16/new-book-on-appletown-farm-year-long-eviction-stand-off/
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Journalism has had its share of villains like Walter Duranty, but the media can also provide an invaluable service toward truth.
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Soldiers systematically forced their way into Ukrainian homes and confiscated every scrap of food. The soldiers even took the Ukrainian’s house pets so they could not be eaten for survival purposes. As the starvation wore on, Ukrainians ate grass, tree bark, rats, frogs. They tried to consume anything they could find, until there was nothing to find at all, at which point some resorted to cannibalism.
How did something like this happen without incurring international outrage?
Part of the reason was that influential American reporters refused to detail the genocide. Applebaum draws upon extensive research to illustrate how and why the American press, led by The New York Times journalist Walter Duranty, covered up the famine.
Not only did Soviet leaders deny the planned Holodomor occurred, Putin’s propaganda machine in Russia still denies it. In fact, Vladimir Putin commented in 2005, “the demise of the Soviet Union was the greatest geopolitical catastrophe of the century.” That’s a chilling statement, considering the misery the Soviet Union inflicted on Ukraine and elsewhere.
https://www.ncregister.com/blog/media-and-ukraine?utm_source=newsletter&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=catholic_news_pope_francis_to_visit_lebanon_in_june_says_president_aoun&utm_term=2022-04-05
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1922 Report
IRISH WHITE CROSS REPORT 25
crowded with the results of the policy of murder and maiming that was the order of the day.
Even graver, because of its possible and probable effects on the physical health of the future generations, was the hamper- ing of the activities of the various societies concerned with child- welfare. In cities and towns there is always a considerable pro- portion of the population either beyond or not far removed from the border-line of poverty or actual want. For the feeding and general care of the children of tender age of these impoverished people public aid is essential if they are to survive at all. In Ireland as in Great Britain these societies were aided by the municipal and other local bodies, who were empowered by statute to strike rates for specific purposes, and on the rate being struck were entitled to grants in aid from the British Treasury. At best, these contributions fell far short of what these services required for their adequate performance. The withdrawal of the grant was, therefore, in effect an act of war on hungry children, whatever was its intention; and it was a blow impossible to parry iri' the general dislocation of municipal finance had not the Irish White Cross come to the assistance of the societies thus hampered. There can be no question that its action in this matter came well within its scope as reliever of the victims of the Irish war.
In Dublin alone the number of children fed at school at pub- lic cost varies in normal times from some 7,000 in the warmer sea- sons to about 10,000 as the winter advances. It must be remem- bered that the amounts available for this service, even when sup- plemented by the Treasury grants, allowed only very scanty pro- vision for the needs of the poor hungry children. All during the period of the conflict — when industry had been disorganised, and the breadwinners in many of these poor families thrown out of employment through various causes connected directly or indirectly with the conflict — the need for such feeding was stronger than ever.
Besides provision for school meals, there was also municipal aid rendered to other bodies concerned with infant welfare, e.g., baby-clubs, societies of a philanthropic character that concern themselves with the general care of babies in poor homes, and look after sick and expectant mothers, whose home resources do not permit of their meals being provided for otherwise. All th
The following is an extract from the famous letter from his late Holiness, Pope Benedict XV., to His Eminence Cardinal Logue, accompanying a munificent contribution to the funds of the Society : —
"We have heard with pleasure that you, our beloved son, impelled by the charity that suffers no delay, and commands us to lay aside all differences of parties and opinions, and bring aid to the afflicted and the needy, have been at pains to establish, and zealous to foster, an association known as the White Cross, the object of which is to collect funds for the relief of those in distress in Ireland through the devastation of property or other acts of violence. It is no less a source of joy to us that many others, dif- fering in religion and nationality, have united with you in this union of love, and that to your united appeal great numbers of generous men, not merely from Ireland, but from other nations, have given an enthusiastic response. And ... we forward, as a token of our affection for your people, so hard-pressed, 200,000 Italian lire, and we trust that this sum will do something to relieve
https://archive.org/details/reportofirishwhi00irisrich/page/48/mode/2up
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https://www.standardmedia.co
Home National
Kenya's first African Commanding Officer still going strong at 95
NATIONAL
By Edward Kosut | December 24th 2021
Retired Lt Colonel Joshua Korigo Barno displaying a portrait of the nine soldiers who represented British Colonial government in athletics in Vancouver, Canada.
[Courtesy]
More than 54 years after he retired from the military, retired Lieutenant Colonel Joshua Korigo Barno is one of Kenya’s unsung heroes, who played a role in the country's independence.
He hails from the sleepy Kaptaragon village in Nandi County, home of many athletic giants, including Henry Rono, Janet Jepkosgei, Wilfred Bungei, and Ben Kogo, among others.
Barno was the first African Commanding Officer of the 1st Battalion of the Kenya Rifles and led the first parade as the country became a Republic on December 12, 1964, having attained independence and internal self-rule in 1963.
When The Standard visited his home, Barno was in high spirits, and memories of the event were still fresh as he narrated the events that dominated the independence celebration.
“It was at midnight when Kenya became a republic. I cannot remember well the British soldier who lowered the British Union of jack, but I was the one raising Kenya’s flag at Langata barracks,” he said.
According to a Kenya Gazette dated May 21, 1963, Barno was among several officers promoted to the rank of lieutenant from the second lieutenant. Others were Lucas Matu Mureithi, Jackson Kimau Mulinge and Peter Kakenyi.
Another gazette notice, in February 1967, shows that Barno was elevated to the rank of lieutenant colonel on December 12, 1964, alongside Mulinge and other five officers.
"I was commanding parade one while Matu was leading parade 5 of Kenya African Rifles shortly before transitioning to Kenya Army. When Jomo Kenyatta took over the leadership as the Prime Minister, we were swiftly given ranks as the first Kenyan officers," he said.
Barno, 95, narrated how he found himself in the colonial military as a young boy along the edges of Nandi Forest, a few kilometres in the outskirts of Kapsabet.
He had just concluded his intermediate class four exams in 1947 and joined his father, who was a farmer.
Retired Lt Colonel Joshua Korigo Barno [Edward Kosut, Standard]
A British officer had camped in the district commissioner's office at Kapsabet, searching for the young men to join King's African Rifles (KAR) in 1948.
"The British officer wanted people who could run fast. We went with some of my friends on a Saturday. I qualified, and the rest of the boys from the neighbourhood returned home," said Barno.
He said the colonial government highly regarded recruits from Turkana, Kalenjin, Samburu and other few local communities.
"The British took several months searching for young men to recruit them into the military in the Rift Valley region. They took us to Lanet KAR training college where we underwent training with other recruits from Tanganyika, Zimbabwe, Uganda, among other British colonies," he said.
Barno said after completing the training, he was posted to the East Africa region, Sudan and Zimbabwe, where they were tasked with guarding British officers against local communities.
Being a gifted runner, he also represented the British colonial empire in international athletics.
Displaying a picture taken shortly after arriving from the competitions, he identified seven of the eight soldiers despite his old age.
The runners include Kiptalam Keter, Paul Boit, Joseph Lerasai, Lazarus Chepkwony, Nyandika Maiyoro, Maboria Tesut and Charles Musendi.
"They were all forgotten soon after independence. Only a few of them like Lt Kimau Mulinge rose through the ranks and served as Kenya Army Commander between 1971 and 1978 and Chief of the General Staff later in the 1980s," he said.
Barno, commonly known among the locals as "soldier", engages in farming, community development and promoting education.
He said, though he was not paid for participating in athletics, he used his salary from KAR to purchase 50 acres of land in Nandi, where he resides.
"We had no health and education facilities, and being a polygamist, I had to donate six acres of land to the community, which premises Kabirirsang Primary School and health centre," said Barno.
However, he declined to reveal the number of his children, saying it was against the Kalenjin traditions.
"Unfortunately, my eldest son was killed soon after joining the Kenya Army in the early 1980s. None of my other children has managed to join the forces to serve my country. Four of them severally tried, including my grandchildren, but all in vain," said Barno.
One of his daughters, Ester Jepchumba, took another trajectory and played for the Telkom Volleyball team that represented Kenya in the 1999 African championships.
“I only want a small car to carry me around for a medical checkup and visiting my grandchildren living in various places. I would be a happy and grateful man to have served my country at my prime age,” Barno says.
Former Kenya Army commander Lieutenant General Lazarus Sumbeiywo led a team of former and current officers in a visit to Barno’s home on December 18.
Brigadier John Kipya, Commandant School of Infantry were joined by Colonel John Maiyo (4th Brigade Deputy Commander), Colonel Henry Kogo (Deputy Langata Garrison Commander) and Lt Col Daniel Baraza (current CO of the 1st battalion).
They hailed Lt Col (Rtd) Barno as a trailblazer, who set a firm foundation for the unit which has seen the unit lead in discipline, operational success as well as moulding of military leaders.
Glance
Lt Colonel (rtd) Barno was the first African Commanding Officer of the 1st Battalion of the Kenya Rifles
He was the first African Commanding Officer and led 500 parades of soldiers
1962, promoted to Lieutenant Position commanding over 1,500 soldiers
On December 12, 1964, he was promoted to the rant of lieutenant colonel
Barno says he was the officer who raised the Kenyan flag in the KAR Langata Barracks during the independence
1KR received and trooped its Colours in the Jamuhuri day celebrations of 1964, becoming the first military unit to be established in Kenya.
Lt Col (Rtd) Barno led the unit up to 1966 when he was appointed Commander Kahawa Garrison. He retired in 1967.
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Faith & Fury – Dingle & West Kerry 1825-1845
A most interesting book – for all those interested in history and genealogy in Kerry in the early half of the 19th century – was published this week.
While we are aware of the campaign to evangelise or convert the Irish-speaking community in Kerry, to date we have very few exact details. This book will tell you who, what and when – the very details that we have been short on.
Bryan MacMahon tells us that ‘the work of Church of Ireland evangelicals in West Kerry between 1825 and 1845 was widely hailed as a model of a successful missionary campaign; however it evoked a passionate reaction from local Catholic priests. The missionaries wished to entice the Irish-speaking people of the Dingle peninsula away from what they saw as superstition and enthralment to Rome, while priests objected to what they saw as inducements offered to Catholics to convert. As new mission schools and churches were built, the war of words between clergymen of both persuasions was fomented by rival newspapers, reaching a climax in a notorious libel case of March 1845’.
A review in this week’s Irish Times tells us that some 800 people (including children) changed their traditional religious allegiance in west Kerry before 1845, generating a furious response from Catholic priests. It was a period when zeal turned into zealotry, passions became inflamed, language became abusive, and actions became violent. Partisan newspapers fanned the flames of religious controversy, which reached a peak when a Catholic curate named Denis Brasbie sensationally converted.
In this study, Bryan MacMahon gives a comprehensive overview of the origins and progress of the conversion campaign and the responses to it. The narrative brings the personalities such as Rev.Charles Gayer, Fr. Brasbie, Rev. Thomas Moriarty, D.P. Thompson, and the Ventry estate into vivid focus and records the long-lost voices and values of those on both sides of the bitter divide.
Faith and Fury The Evangelical Campaign in Dingle and West Kerry 1825-45 is published by WordwellBooks.com and is also available from all good local booksellers, including in-person or online at Dingle Bookshop.
Bryan Mac Mahon’s previous books include The Great Famine in Tralee and North Kerry (2017) and Ascend or Die: Richard Crosbie, Pioneer of Balloon Flight (2010). He has a particular interest in the history of his native Co. Kerry and has published articles in a range of historical journals including History Ireland, The Irish Sword, The Kerry Magazine and Journal of the Kerry Archaeological and Historical Society.
https://mykerryancestors.com/faith-fury-dingle-west-kerry-1825-1845/
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New post on West Cork History
Men of the Baronies of the Carberies and Adjoining Baronies to Meet the Liberator, the Beloved Son of Erin on the 19th June 1843 to Repeal the Odious Act of Union
by durrushistory
Men of the Baronies of the Carberies and Adjoining Baronies to Meet the Liberator, the Beloved Son of Erin on the 19th June 1843 to Repeal the Odious Act of Union
https://docs.google.com/document/d/16GBUufh1oo_EFab-mfmQ55YjGvi7wYwGf5RWybSzKb8/edit
Bantry Area family of Derrynane, Co. Kerry, O'Connell's, signature of 'The Liberator' Daniel O'Connell, his sister Hanoria married Daniel O'Sullivan, Reendonegan, Bantry, their son Daniel, Magistrate, Dominica West Indies, his sister married Naval Officer in Tsar's Navy. areas mentioned Coolagh, Borlin some names include Donovan, Lucy, Galway, O'Hea-Cussen, Cronin, compiled by Basil Morgan O'Connell, of Lakeview Branch, 1946 he Head of CID, Malaysia.
Ann Maria Curtis, Dungourney, granddaughter, of Martha Evanson, Ballydivane/Friendly Cove, Durrus, married 1867, The Liberator's (Daniel O'Connell) grandson (Son of Charles Resident Magistrate, Bantry).
https://wordpress.com/post/durrushistory.com/18965
Genealogy of The Right Honourable Edmund Burke (1729-1799), by Basil Morgan O'Connell K.M., Descendant of Daniel O'Connell, 'The Liberator', Former head of CID in Burma, living in Dublin when 'Not Fighting Communists', author of The O'Connell Tracts.
https://wordpress.com/post/durrushistory.com/8733
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New post on West Cork History
1848. Dunmanway Union Listing of Local Landlords who did and did not apply for Relief under the Land Improvement Act and Pauper numbers by non improving Landlords by Townland.
by durrushistory
Dunmanway Union Listing of Local Landlords who did and did not apply for Relief under the Land Improvement Act and Pauper numbers by non improving Landlords by Townland.
https://docs.google.com/document/d/1T9sa2MF4D3gN1Mek9UBFMBoEZJ_-9FDDpPIHlWkYsOE/edit
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New post on West Cork History
1847 Billeting British Army Soldiers in Bantry. British Army Local Militia and Regiments and Navy West Cork
by durrushistory
1847 Billeting British Army Soldiers in Bantry
https://docs.google.com/document/d/1sylh8eENqH-7zEergw-cdNg-uhVFSgQ0c6Ip1gjKMvE/edit
British Army Local Militia and Regiments and Navy West Cork
https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/1HQrKsTDoupxktWQ41Wx5P4GFliNUT4Z2uyTdwyi0xjU/edit#gid=0
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I turned my attention to them and found two of them in a bad way. The flesh was burning off them. They had got a blast of the powder in the face and clothes, as well as some cuts from flying scrap.
There were others with less injuries lying around so I had a look at them and concentrated on the more serious cases.
After months of treatment under doctor’s care they all survived, one with the loss of an eye and a few fingers off.
It was a sad procession as we journeyed from Glountane to Mullen with the dead body of our comrade and to Kilsarcon churchyard the following day when he was laid to rest.
The funeral, considering the time and the danger, was immense and was vividly representative of all adjacent parishes.
http://www.mainevalleypost.com/2021/06/21/glountane-explosion-commemoration-a-century-on/
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Ned Kelly
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Mrs. Kelly interviewed
18h ago
GlenrowanDan KellySteve HartSergeant Arthur Loftus Maule SteeleDetective Michael Ward
Ovens and Murray Advertiser (Beechworth, Vic. : 1855 – 1918), Tuesday 17 May 1881, page 3
THE POLICE COMMISSION.
[FROM THE ARGUS REPORTER.]
On Saturday morning the commission went by road from Benalla to Glenrowan, passing through Greta. En route a short stay was made at the residence of Mrs Kelly, mother of the late outlaws, Ned and Dan Kelly. Her residence, a four-roomed slab hut, with a bark roof, stands in the middle of a paddock comprising about 40 acres. It is within a short distance from a mountain called Quarry Hill, whence a good view of the surrounding country can be obtained. Within the paddock there were two or three horses and as many cows, and there were a few fowls and a tame kangaroo about the house. But the place presented a gloomy, desolate appearance. There was a very small kitchen garden, but there was no other land under cultivation. Some of the panes of glass in the windows were broken, and, excepting that some creepers had very recently been planted at the foot of the verandah posts, no attempt had been made to beautify the house, or make this home look homely.
When the commission pulled up on the road opposite the front door that door was closed, and there was no sign of any human being about. Presently, however, a child was observed peeping round the back of the house at the strangers. After a short consultation, it was decided that it would be better for the commission, as they were near the house, to ask Mrs Kelly if she had any statement to make on the subjects that they have been appointed to inquire into. Accordingly, Messrs Graves and Anderson were told off to go to the house, and open up communication with Mrs Kelly. She came round from the back of the house to meet them, and intimated, when she was told the object of the visit, that she had no objection to see the commission. The remaining members were then called up, and introduced by Mr Graves to Mrs Kelly. She was dressed in black, and seemed to be between 40 and 45 years of age. In her younger days she was probably comely, and her hair is still abundant, and black as a raven’s wing. Although looking careworn, she has a large stock of vitality. Her eyes and mouth are the worst features in her face, the former having a restless and furtive, and the latter a rather cruel look. When Mr Graves introduced the other commissioners, Mrs Kelly said with a smile, “I didn’t know who you could all be; I thought it was a circus.” It may be here mentioned that the commissioners were driven in three waggonettes, the only horseman of the party being Inspector Montfort. True, the latter was in his uniform; but to an ordinary unprejudiced observer there seemed nothing in the appearance of the commissioners, or in the vehicles in which they rode, to warrant the impression that they were circus performers. However, after a short and rather uncomfortable pause, Mr Longmore undeceived Mrs Kelly by informing her that they were the Police Commission, and they would be glad to listen to anything she had to say. She did not invite the commissioners into her house, or open the front door; and two or three very young children — her offspring — could be seen inside the house, peering through a window. One of these children was a pretty little girl about four or five years old, and her face reminded one very forcibly of Ned Kelly, whose hair and eyes were of a different color from his mother’s.
Ellen Kelly
Mrs Kelly made the following state ment : — “The police have treated my children very badly. I have three very young ones, and had one only a fortnight old when I got into trouble (referring to her recent imprisonment in connection with the assault on Constable Fitzpatrick at Greta). That child I took to Melbourne with me; but I left Kate and Grace and the younger children behind. The police used to treat them very ill. They used to take them out of bed at night, and made them walk before them. The police made the children go first when examining a house, so as to prevent the outlaws, if in the house, from suddenly shooting them. Kate is now only about 16 years old, and is still a mere child. She is older than Grace. Mrs Skillian is married, and, of course, knew more than the others, who are mere children. She is not in the house now. Mr Brooke Smith was the worst-behaved of the force, and had less sense than any of them. He used to throw things out of the house, and he came in once to the lock-up staggering drunk. I did not like his conduct. That was at Benalla. I wonder they allowed a man to behave as he did to an unfortunate woman. He wanted me to say things that were not true. My holding comprises 88 acres, but it is not all fenced in. The Crown will not give me a title. If they did, I could sell at once and leave this locality. I was entitled to a lease a long time ago, but they are keeping it back. Perhaps, if I had a lease, I might stay for a while, if they would let me alone. I want to live quietly. The police keep coming backwards and forwards, and saying there are ‘reports, reports.’ As to the papers, there was nothing but lies in them from the beginning. I would sooner be closer to a school, on account of my children. If I had anything forward, I would soon go away from here.”
Inspector Alexander Brooke-Smith
Upon being asked whether any of her children had any complaint to make, Mrs Kelly knocked at the front door, and called out to her daughter Grace to open it. Grace did so, and after much persuasion on the part of her mother, came to the open door, but speedily retreated behind it. She seems about 14 or 15 years old, and bears a much greater resemblance to her brother Ned than either Mrs Skillian or Miss Kate Kelly do. Most of the party, seeing that the girl was bashful, withdrew from the house, and then Grace made a statement to Mr Longmore and one or two others, to the effect that one of her brother Ned’s last requests was that his sisters should make full statements as to how the police had treated them. She then con tinued as follows : —
“On one occasion Detective Ward threatened to shoot me if I did not tell him where my brothers were, and he pulled out his revolver. The police used to come here and pull the things about. Mr Brooke Smith was one of them. He used to chuck our milk, flour, and honey, on the floor. Once they pulled us in our night-clothes out of bed. Sergeant Steele was one of that party.”
Mrs Kelly further stated that when she “came out” her children’s clothes were rotten, because of their having been thrown out of doors by the police. The police, also, had destroyed a clock and a lot of pictures, and threatened to pull down the house over their heads. She was understood to make a statement to the effect that the police had made improper overtures to some of her daughters, but she afterwards said that she had no such charge to make. Mr Longmore and one or two others went into the sitting-room, which was very poorly furnished, and the ceiling of which was in a very dilapidated condition. All the inside doors leading into this room were shut, and it seemed tolerably certain that the commission did not see all who were in the house.
The smouldering ruins of the Glenrowan Inn.
A lengthy stay was made at Glenrowan, where, in addition to the commissioners, there assembled Messrs Nicolson, Hare, Sadleir, and O’Connor, Sergeant Steele, Senior-constable Johnson, and some other members of the police force. Various positions and objects referred to in the evidence previously taken were pointed out to the commissioners, who also visited the spot where the railway line was broken up by the outlaws. Two of the chimneys of Mrs Jones’s hotel still remain standing, and it was stated that she intends to build there again. A surveyor was taking measurements, for the purpose of drawing a plan of the spot for the commissioners.
The boy Reardon, who was one of the outlaw’s detenues at the hotel, and who was shot by the police, was also present. The bullet, which lodged in front of the chest, under the bone, has not been extracted, and the lad — who seems about 18 years of age — is unable to work in consequence of the wound, and suffers great pain. His father, in giving evidence, stated that when he looks at his son he often (seeing the wreck that the shot has made of him) wishes it had been fatal.
The following evidence was taken at Glenrowan : — Constable William Canny deposed that he arrived at Glenrowan on the day the outlaws were captured, about 3 o’clock a.m. Received no orders from Mr O’Connor. Heard him give no orders. After Mr Hare was wounded witness got no orders from anyone until Mr Sadleir arrived. I did not consider Mr O’Connor had any standing in the Victorian police. Did not see Mr O’Connor cross or go through the fence between the drain and the hotel. Did not see Mr O’Connor when Mr Hare was wounded.
James and Margaret Reardon
James Reardon deposed that he was a labourer on the Victorian Railways. Was taken by the outlaws to Jones’s hotel on the Sunday morning before the Monday when they were captured. Ned had previously taken witness to break up the line, with Sullivan. Ned said that he had shot a lot of police at Beechworth, and that he wanted to wreck the train coming with police from Benalla. Ned threatened to shoot witness if the latter did not do what he was told. On Sunday evening there were 62 prisoners in the hotel. Hart was pretty drunk on Sunday morning. Saw Dan Kelly and Byrne refuse a drink. There was no chance of escape from the hotel. Mrs Jones insisted on a dance. She said Ned Kelly was a fine fellow. She refused to let the prisoners go when Dan Kelly said they might, saying Ned would give us a lecture. In consequence of the delay caused by her the prisoners were still in the hotel when the police came. She induced a son of hers to sing a song “The Wild Colonial Boy.” to please Ned Kelly. The outlaws had plenty to drink on Sunday morning, but got more sober during the day. Did not hear the police call out to the prisoners to come out until about half-past 9 o’clock a.m. Three or four hours before that Dan Kelly said the prisoners might go if the police would let them. One of the prisoners tried to hold a white handkerchief up to the window, but a volley was at once fired from the drain at the window. Some of us tried to leave the house, but were driven back by the firing from the drain, coming from where Mr O’Connor was. One constable was firing at my wife, who had a child in her arms. One bullet hit my wife’s clothes. The firing came from near where Sergeant Steele was standing. Constable McArthur threatened to shoot Sergeant Steele if he kept firing at my wife. The prisoners made several attempts to come out, but were driven back by the heavy firing from the police. When the prisoners came out, Constable Dwyer held a rifle pointing to me, and said — ” Let us finish this lot off first.” Byrne was shot before we left the hotel. He fell like a log, without a groan. That was about 5 o’clock a.m. When witness left, Dan Kelly and Hart were standing together doing nothing. They had their armour on. From daylight they fired very few shots, but plenty before. Dan Kelly and Hart seemed to think Ned Kelly was killed outside. Witness was not a Kelly sympathiser. Steele told him he shot his son, who was worse than dead now. When Steele was firing at witness and his wife, the outlaws were not firing. They said they would not shoot until the prisoners got clean off. Mrs Jones’s son and daughter were wounded. Witness’s son was shot outside the house. Cherry was shot in the out-house behind the hotel. The bullet had not yet been extracted from witness’s son. The outlaws had some armour on on Sunday morning, but took it off during the day. The special train would have gone on past Glenrowan if there had been no one to signal it there. When it stopped at Glenrowan, one of the outlaws said — “This is Curnow’s work.” Witness told Curnow the line was broken, and told him how the train could be stopped.
The commission adjourned until 11 o’clock on Tuesday morning, when they will meet in Melbourne.
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Captain Standish’s Royal Commission Testimony
Mar 24, 2020
GlenrowanNed KellyJoe ByrneAaron SherrittDan Kelly
The following is extracted from the 1881 Royal Commission into the police force, where the newly retired Captain Standish gave an account of his involvement in the Kelly pursuit. The extracts contain information directly relevant to the Glenrowan siege and the police that were placed to protect Aaron Sherritt.
Captain Standish (evidence given to RC 23/03/81)
“On Sunday the 27th of June 1880 I left my residence about a quarter past two. A few minutes after I had left a telegram arrived from Mr. Hare. I did not return to my abode till half-past four, when I found this telegram. It was announcing the murder of Sherritt by some of the outlaws. Mr. Hare requested me to communicate with Mr. O’Connor, who had come down to Melbourne on his way back to Queensland with the trackers, and to request him and urge upon him the propriety of assisting the department by returning at once to Beechworth. On the receipt of this telegram I at once sent a letter out to Mr. O’Connor, who, I heard, was staying at Essendon; sent him it by a hansom, and immediately wrote a letter to Mr. Ramsay to inform him of this. In my letter I said I had written to Mr. O’Connor; that I was not certain whether he would consent to go or not, but that if he did I should either send them up by the early morning train or by a special train if necessary. Shortly after Mr. Ramsay received this letter. In the meantime I had been down at the telegraph office to communicate with Mr. Hare, and I returned to the club and I found Mr. Ramsay just arrived, and I talked the matter over with him; and I had not seen Mr. O’Connor, and was not certain whether he would go back; but he took me up to Mr. Gillies’ place, which was near Mr. Ramsay’s, and got for me an order for a special train. I returned to the club with this in my pocket, and just about this time Mr. O’Connor turned up. I told him, and asked him if he was willing to go up; said it was a matter of great urgency; and he, in a rather haw-haw way, said he did not see any objection, and said he would go; and I asked when he would be ready to go, and he said he would go this evening. I told him I had an order for a special train and I would get it at once. He asked me to get the train to meet him at Essendon, as his black trackers were at the late John Thomas Smith’s place. I went down to the station and ordered the special train, and he left about half-past nine or ten; I do not know the time exactly. About twenty minutes to six the following morning, Monday the 28th of June, I was asleep in bed when I was knocked up. A telegram was handed to me, saying that Superintendent Hare and his party would join Mr. O’Connor at Benalla. Had encountered the outlaws at Glenrowan; that Superintendent Hare in the early part of the encounter had been shot through the wrist by the first shot. It was too late. I could not have possibly caught the early train, so I communicated at once with Mr. Ramsay, and got an order for a special train to take me up about nine o’clock. An hour before I was going to start I got a telegram announcing that Ned Kelly had been taken alive. A few minutes afterwards I went down to the railway station, and there I heard that Joe Byrne had been shot dead. I started by special train, and got to Benalla about two o’clock. There was an encumbrance on the line, and the special train could not go on. I went to the hotel at Benalla to see Superintendent Hare. I sat with him a short time, and then went back to the railway station, and was detained there till four o’clock. Just before the train left a telegram came down to say that the whole thing was over; the house had been burned, and the charred remains of Steve Hart and Dan Kelly had been found in the house. I went on the special train, and when I got there everything was over. I instructed Mr. Sadleir not to hand over the charred remains of the outlaws. It is just possible he may have misunderstood me, but I certainly did say that to him; but it seems that possibly there was a misapprehension. He allowed the friends of the outlaws to take away those two charred stumps, as you may call them. I saw Ned Kelly lying severely wounded, and the body of Byrne. I ordered Ned Kelly to be brought down to Benalla at once, where he was put in the lock-up and attended to. Byrne’s body was also brought down, and photographed there the next morning without my knowledge. An inquest was held on Byrne and I instructed him to be buried straight off in the Benalla cemetery. After inviting medical opinion, I found it was perfectly safe and advisable to send Ned Kelly down to Melbourne. Having ascertained that there was no risk in having Ned Kelly sent down to the Melbourne gaol, I ordered him to be taken down in a special carriage by the afternoon train, I think it was. I stayed at Benalla that day, and had an interview with Mr. Curnow, the schoolmaster, to whom certainly we are indebted for saving the lives of all the police, and for putting us on the track of the Kellys. I returned to Melbourne the following day.”
The contingent of trackers sent to Victoria. L-R: Senior Constable Tom King, Queensland Sub-Inspector Stanhope O’Connor, Troopers Jimmy, Johnny, Hero, Barney and Jack, Superintendent J. Sadlier and Standish
146. According to that, you approve of the conduct of those police who allowed the men to escape after the shooting of Sherritt, was that courageous conduct?—My firm belief is that if they had left the house every one would have been shot dead.
150. Did you approve of the burning of Mrs. Jones’s hotel, while the outlaws were there?—I was not there.
151. From what you have since, do you approve of it?—There is one matter to be considered, whether the outlaws were burnt alive.
152. I mean, taking the evidence as we have it, from what we suppose, whether they were dead or alive, would that action meet with your approval?—If I had been in charge of the operations, I should not have had the house burnt down.
153. Who was in charge at that time?—Mr. Sadleir.
154. I suppose, after all, there is a certain amount of latitude allowed to men of the force who are in danger?—Yes.
Below is Captain Standish’s explanation for the Kelly Outbreak:
181. Are you aware whether there was any other reason for the Kelly gang taking the field?—I believe these outrages would never have happened if it had not been for the shooting of Constable Fitzpatrick, and the consequent anger and indignation of the Kellys at their mother having received that severe sentence, and at their associates having received the sentence of six years.
https://wordpress.com/read/blogs/174647805/posts/94
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Lent Book Club: The Way of Julian of Norwich
Feb 17, 2021
Lent Book Club
https://wordpress.com/read/blogs/36089350/posts/38086
Jessica set out some of the background to Mother Julian in posts a few weeks back, and for those starting afresh on this, I would recommend starting there.
I want to start with the old Commination prayer which, when I was a child, would be said at Morning Prayer on Ash Wednesday:
BRETHREN, in the primitive Church there was a godly discipline, that, at the beginning of Lent, such persons as stood convicted of notorious sin were put to open penance, and punished in this world, that their souls might be saved in the day of the Lord; and that others, admonished by their example, might be the more afraid to offend.
Instead whereof, until the said discipline may be restored again, (which is much to be wished,) it is thought good that at this time (in the presence of you all) should be read the general sentences of God’s cursing against impenitent sinners, gathered out of the seven and twentieth chapter of Deuteronomy, and other places of Scripture; and that ye should answer to every sentence, Amen: To the intent that, being admonished of the great indignation of God against sinners, ye may the rather be moved to earnest and true repentance; and may walk more warily in these dangerous days; fleeing from such vices, for which ye affirm with your own mouths the curse of God to be due.
This would seem rather at odds with what Mother Julian says about the anger of God, but I think Jessica deals well with the seeming tension when she wrote:
Mother Julian saw with insight that if God were to feel what we call “anger” even for a moment, he would cease to be the creator and become the destroyer, and we should cease to exist. Anger is what happens inside us and we attribute it to God. We are, we say in some circumstances, “standing up for God”, as though he needs our anger; well it’s an excuse isn’t it? It was human anger which crucified Christ; it is our own anger which crucifies us. It holds us in an atmosphere of conflict and fear which keeps us from peace – and from atonement and repentance;
It may be indicative of where we are in more than one way that the Commination service seems to be a rarity (though one may be had here) and that the Church, whether Anglican or Catholic, seems reluctant to talk about “wrath”. It is easier to talk about God’s “love”, not least because love is a pleasanter topic for reflection and for sermons than “wrath’. That is, in some quarters, a natural reaction, to be deplored by some of a traditionalist bent, and to be celebrated as “progress” by those of other minds.
Julian of Norwich has become something of a beacon for those who wish to emphasise love and not wrath, and she should not be held responsible for some of the things some of her latter-day admirers load upon her. Her understanding was deeper than a surface perusal sometimes allows for. But that should not be read as indicating that it’s time to go on about “wrath” more than we do. Those who lament the decline of wrath-related preaching might wish to reflect on why it has happened? Here Mother Julian has much to help us with.
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Pope Francis Recalls Iraqi Martyrs, Saying Violence Incompatible With Religion
The Tablet
Flanked by the pictures of 48 Iraqi martyrs, Pope Francis defined them as a reminder that inciting war and violence is incompatible with authentic religious teaching.
https://mail.google.com/mail/u/0/#inbox/FMfcgxwLsmhNDbCHBlpLvClDwwGdqfdK
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Douglas Bader
Sunday 21 February 2021 | Roger Kershaw | Records and research | 10 comments
Born 111 years ago today, Douglas Bader would grow up to be a Royal Air Force (RAF) fighter pilot and flying ace responsible for more than 20 aerial victories during the Second World War. But his success stalled in August 1941 when he was forced to bale out of his plane over France, and he was subsequently captured by the Germans, ending up at Colditz prisoner of war camp until its liberation in 1945.
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Catholic Harry Wu Reminded the World of Chinese Communist Brutality
“Fifty million people have been thrown into the Laogai prisons, including workers, religious and students,” Wu said, “and half of them become ashes.”
“Justice Ginsburg more than earned her Notorious crown and the admiration of millions of people with her fearless advocacy for marginalized people and her stubborn belief that women are people,” Carmon said. “People felt moved to make fan art and tattoo her face on their bodies because she spoke for them when it mattered.”
Ginsburg is survived by two children — Jane, a law professor at Columbia, and James, a music producer — and four grandchildren. Martin Ginsburg died in 2010.
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Dr. Michael O'Connor - County Mayo Gaol
An introduction by Dr. Michael O'Connor of his new book, 'County Mayo - A History of Imprisonment, Capital Punishment & Transportation. Part 1: Anatomy of a County Gaol' This is a truly wonderful addition to the catalogue of books available on Co. Mayo's history. We hope you enjoy the video and invite you to delve into the dark and grim history of Co. Mayo's jails. #culturenight2020 #culturenight
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The Republican Party platform declares: “We assert the sanctity of human life and affirm that the unborn child has a fundamental right to life that cannot be infringed.”
- The Democrat Party platform declares: “We will continue to oppose – and seek to overturn – federal and state laws and policies that impede a woman’s access to abortion.”
Several other prominent international names including Craig Breen (and his Killarney co-driver Paul Nagle) Dani Sordo, Ole Christian Veiby, Grégoire Munster and Jari Huttunen are entered in R5 variants of the i20.
By: Stéphanie Thomson- July 5, 2020
Since late March, every evening at 7 PM, an eerily quiet New York City erupts in applause, a small gesture of appreciation for “frontline workers,” not just the doctors and nurses pulling 12-hour shifts in crowded and busy emergency rooms, but the cashiers at grocery stores, the home care aides tending to elderly loved ones, the Uber drivers ferrying people to urgent care.
These people keep society running. They’re also among the lowest paid, and their jobs are among the most precarious and least valued. One in seven “essential workers” does not have health insurance, and one in three lives in a household that makes less than $40,000 a year, the Atlantic reported.
The Americas Revealed
Unravelling the past of the Americas, while preserving that past for the future.
https://wordpress.com/read/feeds/94464373
USA 1938 video. Bowman GA
https://www.youtube.com/watch?time_continue=12&v=5aem2Qz4XfQ&feature=emb_logo
On few days later, an army officer, who was buying beef cattle and food supplies from the Georgia Creeks stumbled upon the massacre scene. On April 30 Major General Thomas Glascock sent a report to General Jackson, which stated the basic facts, but claimed that only seven men, two women and one child had been killed. Actually, the town’s population had been exterminated, except for a young man captured outside the village before the attack, who was herding cattle.
Apparently, the descendants of two ancient civilizations, who had been burned to death, were considered what is called today, “accidental collateral damage,” and therefore were not recorded as battle casualties. Jackson was furious because he was dependent on his Creek soldiers to lead dangerous guerilla warfare attacks into the Florida swamps. However, no charges were ever placed against Captain Wright.
https://wordpress.com/read/blogs/160073661/posts/3210
SICHUAN, China (BP) — The United States and the European Union are urging China to free pastor Wang Yi, sentenced to nine years in prison in what religious liberty advocates call Christian persecution.
China pronounced Wang guilty Dec. 30 of “illegal business operations” and “inciting subversion of state power,” convictions religious liberty advocates say stem solely from his leadership as founding pastor of Early Rain Covenant Church in Chengdu, Sichuan.
U.S. Sec. of State Mike Pompeo expressed alarm at Wang’s sentence on charges that Pompeo said were “trumped up” and issued with no defense lawyer present.
“We call for his immediate and unconditional release,” Pompeo said in a statement Dec.
31. “This is yet another example of Beijing’s intensification of repression of Chinese Christians and members of other religious groups. We continue to call on Beijing to uphold its international commitments and promises made in its own constitution to promote religious freedom for all individuals, including members of ethnic and religious minorities, and those who worship outside of official state-sanctioned institutions.”
E.U. spokesman Peter Stano issued a similar appeal on New Year’s Day.
“The E.U. is concerned about restrictions on freedom of religion and belief in China,” Stano tweeted, “and calls for immediate release of Pastor Wang Yi, who was tried in secret and sentenced to nine years in prison in connection to his peaceful advocacy of freedom of religion.”
Wang responded to his sentence in a message Early Rain church posted on Facebook, religious liberty advocate Open Doors USA reported Dec. 30.
“I hope God uses me, by means of first losing my personal freedom, to tell those who have deprived me of my personal freedom that there is an authority higher than their authority,” the church quoted Wang, “and that there is a freedom that they cannot restrain, a freedom that fills the church of the crucified and risen Jesus Christ.
2019
The Takata airbag case has become the largest product recall in history, caused over 20 deaths, and cost many billions of dollars. Replacement efforts are still ongoing, and sadly, the body count continues to rise. Against this backdrop, further recalls have been announced affecting another type of Takata airbag.
The recall affects BMW 3 Series vehicles, produced between 1997 and 2000. Notably, it appears these cars may have been built before Takata’s fateful decision to produce airbag inflators using ammonium nitrate propellants, known for their instability. Instead, these vehicles likely used Takata’s proprietary tetrazole propellant, or Non-Azide Driver Inflators (NADI). These were developed in the 1990s, and considered a great engineering feat at the time. They were eventually phased out around 2001 for cost reasons, leading to the scandal that rolls on to this day.
https://wordpress.com/read/blogs/156670177/posts/385259
BMW has taken the unprecedented step of asking owners of 12,663 of its 3 Series models made from 1997 to 2000 to stop driving immediately because their cars may have faulty airbags linked to a fatality and a serious injury in two separate crashes in Australia.
Taken from University of Limerick, see link at end for full report on women.
Isabella Tod 71 Botanic Avenue, Belfast 71 Botanic Avenue was the home of Isabella Tod prior to her death in 1896. Scottish born Tod was a pioneer of women’s political activism in Belfast throughout the nineteenth century.
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Elizabeth Bell 4 College Gardens, Belfast. Elizabeth Bell was a doctor and suffragette in Belfast in the early twentieth century. She was the first woman in Ulster to qualify as a doctor in 1893. She was a member of the British Medical Association and the Ulster Medical Society.
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Queen’s University University Road, Belfast Queen’s University was initially established by Queen Victoria in 1845 as part of her Queen’s Colleges in Cork, Galway and Belfast. After petitioning by the Belfast Ladies Institute, women were permitted to take arts degrees at Queen’s from 1882.
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Julia McMordie McMordie Hall, Queen’s University, Belfast Julia McMordie (née Gray) was an English-born philanthropist and political activist. She moved to Belfast after her marriage to Ronald James McMordie. Her husband was active in Belfast politics, serving as a unionist M.P. and lord mayor. Julia also became involved in unionist and charitable societies.
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Alice Milligan,1 Royal Terrace, Lisburn Road, Belfast Alice Milligan was born into a middle class, protestant and unionist family in Omagh in 1866. The family later moved to Belfast and lived on the Lisburn road while Alice attended the Methodist College. Despite her upbringing, Milligan became an ardent supporter of Irish nationalism and an active member of the Gaelic League.
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Winifred Carney 2a Carlisle Circus, Belfast. The youngest of six children, Winifred Carney was born in Co. Down in 1887 to a protestant father and catholic mother. She became a prominent republican, trade unionist and feminist in early twentieth-century Belfast. She was initially introduced to politics through the Gaelic League.
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Dame Dehra Parker, Stormont Castle, Belfast, Dehra Parker was one of the most prominent female political activists and politicians in early twentieth-century Ulster. She was a member of both the Ulster Women’s Unionist Council and the Ulster Volunteer Force. During the home rule crisis, she was involved in gun-running for the volunteers. Later, during the first world war, she organised nurses’ units, assisted soldiers' and sailors’ families and worked in the war pensions department.
(Break)
Nora ConnollyGlenalina Terrace, Falls Road, BelfastNora Connolly was the second-oldest child of James and Lillie Connolly. As a child she was immersed in the socialist and political activities of her parents, particularly her father. The family travelled during her youth, living in Scotland, Dublin and America before settling in Belfast in 1911.
http://www.ul.ie/wic/sites/default/files/Belfast%20text%20for%20Resources2.pdf
Limerick 1912-1922The impact of women on public life in Limerick during the seminal decade of 1912-22 was probably most pronounced in the political and military actions of the republican organisation Cumann na mBan. While the influence of the organisation on the national stage may remain debatable, in Limerick at least, Cumann na mBan was a revolutionary organisation, prepared to offer continual resistance to British rule.
http://www.ul.ie/wic/sites/default/files/Limerick%20for%20Resources2.pdf
400 Republican women were imprisoned as Ferriter states, ‘It was a far cry from the domestic chores that many male nationalists had envisaged for Cumann na mBan’.23It is evident that women were extensively involved in many aspects of the key political events, movements and organisations between 1912-1922.
http://www.ul.ie/wic/sites/default/files/Women%20and%20%20History%201912-22.pdf
Dictionary of Irish Biography (DIB): http://dib.cambridge.org/
How lies about Irish “barbarism” in 1641 paved way for Cromwell’s atrocities. Conference hears how seventeenth-century “dodgy dossier” spread stories about Catholics ripping open pregnant Protestant women.’
These headlines appeared in the Guardian On-line in February 2011. The ‘dodgy dossier’ angle was a good headline-grabber, but the truth of the matter is that the Language and Linguistic Evidence in the 1641 Depositions project has a long way to go in considering the role of hearsay in witness testimony. The project was funded by the UK Arts and Humanities
Depositions 1641 Paper report
http://1641.tcd.ie/files/IT-06-Nov-2009-2.pdf
fol. 206r
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Richard Doore late of Ballyshonykine in the parish of Effin Baronye of Costlea within in the Countie of Limericke gent (a brittish protestant ) duely sworne & examined before vs by vertue of &c deposeth and saieth that on or about the fowerth of ffebruary last past and since the begininge and by meanes of this present Rebellion in Ireland hee lost was robbed and forceably dispoiled of his goods and Chattles to the seuerall values following vizt worth 422 li. 1 s. Part consisting
Of Cattell as Cowes horses and sheepe to the value of eighty one pounds eight shillings Of howshould goods to the value of tenn pounds three shillings Of househould prouision to the value of eight pounds ten shillings ster Of Implements of husbandry to the value of thirtye shillings Of Corne in house and haggard to the value of fower and twentie pounds Of hay to the value of six pounds, Hee [ ] likewise saieth that by meanes of this Rebellion hee lost of Corne in ground growinge vppon his farme of Ballyshonykine aforesaide to the value of fforty six pounds ster Hee further saieth that by meanes of this Re b bellion hee was dispocessed of a farme of land called Templeglantane in the said Countie wherin hee ahad a tearme of fower yeares to come worth coibus annis ten pounds ouer and aboue the landlords Rent which hee valueth to bee woorth thirtie pounds The deponent alsoe saieth that by meanes of this Re b bellion hee was dispocessed of his farme of Ball i shonykine aforesaide wherein hee had a tearme of two and twentie yeares and a halfe to come worth coibus annis twenty fiue pounds ouer and aboue the landlords Rent which hee valueth to bee worth two hundred pounds The deponent lastly saieth that by meanes of this Re b bellion hee lost of debts which hee accounted good debts before this Rebellion the summe of fowerteene pounds ten tenn shillings due vppon by John Guare now in actuall Rebellion and vppon Avis Aston widdowe (a disabled protestant)
fol. 206v
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The to t tall of his losses amounts to fower hundred twentie and two pounds and one shillinge sterlinge And further hee deposeth nott
Richard Doore
Jurat coram nobis
2o Jan: 1642
Phil: Bisse
Thomas Ellwell
Richard Doores examination
Limerick
Rev:
Fr. Frank
PS – Tuesday, aside from being the start of the Confirmation hearings for Judge Brett Kavanaugh, also happens to be exactly 9 weeks before Election Day 2018, and therefore is also the start of our Nine Week Prayer Novena (www.ElectionPrayer.com) for the Elections. Please take an extra moment to go there too, and sign up to be a participant in the prayer campaign – and please pass it along! Also, join us for a Vote for Life Campaign training webcast on Monday, September 10 to learn how you can make a difference in the midterm elections. Sign up at www.ElectionWebcast.org.
UPDATE: The Democrats are making fools of themselves this morning as the Judge Kavanaugh hearings begin. They are creating a circus regarding documents they claim they want. Below are some talking points and facts you should know. – Fr. Frank
Democrats Have Attempted To Delay And Obstruct Kavanaugh’s Hearing By Demanding Irrelevant Records Despite His Nomination Being Called “The Most Transparent In History”
The Committee Made Public Judge Kavanaugh’s 17,000-Page Questionnaire And His More Than 300 Court Cases As An Appellate Judge. “So far, the committee has made public Kavanaugh's 17,000-page questionnaire and his more than 300 court cases as an appellate judge. The panel has additionally received 174,000 pages from his work for Bush in the White House counsel's office.” (“Memo Shows Supreme Court Nominee Brett Kavanaugh Resisted Indicting A Sitting President,” The Associated Press, 8/11/18)
As Of August 15, The Committee Has Released 115,000 Pages Of Judge Kavanaugh’s White House Counsel Papers. “As of Wednesday, the Senate Judiciary Committee had released about 115,000 pages of Kavanaugh’s White House counsel papers, which are often filled with thousands of pages of duplicate emails and have been published on the committee’s website late at night or on the weekend.” (Seung Min Kim, “Clearinghouse For Kavanaugh Documents Is A Bush White House Lawyer, Angering Senate Democrats,” The Washington Post, 8/15/18)
• 21,000 Of The Pages Released Were Emails Between Judge Kavanaugh And Other White House Officials. “The latest tranche posted late Tuesday night included 21,000 pages of emails between Kavanaugh and other White House officials that covered both mundane scheduling details and allusions to more substantial policy and legal matters.” (Seung Min Kim, “Clearinghouse For Kavanaugh Documents Is A Bush White House Lawyer, Angering Senate Democrats,” The Washington Post, 8/15/18)
On August 20, The National Archives And Records Administration Posted More Than 10,000 Pages Of Materials From Judge Kavanaugh’s Time With Independent Counsel Ken Starr. “The National Archives also on Monday posted more than 10,000 pages of material from Judge Kavanaugh’s time with Mr. Starr. While excerpts of the explicit memo have been published before, the full memo was posted by the National Archives in its response to a Freedom of Information Act lawsuit by Fix the Court and requests submitted by media organizations.” (Natalie Andrews, “Supreme Court Pick Brett Kavanaugh To Face Questions On Probes Of Presidents,” The Wall Street Journal, 8/20/18)
The Number Of Documents Regarding Judge Kavanaugh’s Confirmation Is “At Least Five Times More Than The Past Two Nominees” And Is “More Than Any High Court Nominee In History.” “The sheer number of documents is at least five times more than the past two nominees to the high court to be confirmed, and Judiciary Committee Chairman Chuck Grassley, R-Iowa, has said it’s more than any high court nominee in history.” (Donovan Slack, “103,000 Documents From Brett Kavanaugh's Tenure During George W. Bush Administration Released,” USA Today, 8/12/18)
• Senators Reviewed Approximately 182,000 Pages Of Documents On Justice Neil Gorsuch And Approximately 170,000 On Justice Elena Kagan. “Senators reviewed about 182,000 pages of documents on Neil Gorsuch and about 170,000 pages on Elena Kagan.” (Donovan Slack, “103,000 Documents From Brett Kavanaugh's Tenure During George W. Bush Administration Released,” USA Today, 8/12/18)
• Chief Justice John Roberts’ Nomination Had A Paper Trail Of 70,000 Pages. “The paper trail for Kavanaugh is significantly greater than that of previous Supreme Court nominees who had also worked in a White House, such as Justice Elena Kagan (170,000 pages) and Chief Justice John G. Roberts Jr. (70,000 pages).” (Seung Min Kim, “Clearinghouse For Kavanaugh Documents Is A Bush White House Lawyer, Angering Senate Democrats,” The Washington Post, 8/15/18)
Law Professor At George Mason’s Law School Joshua Wright Said Sen. Schumer Is “Demanding Millions Of Irrelevant Documents” That “Won’t Tell Senators Anything About [Judge Kavanaugh], His Judicial Philosophy, Or His Fitness To Serve On The Supreme Court.” “Now, Senator Schumer, the Democratic Minority Leader, is attempting to delay the hearing by demanding millions of irrelevant documents during Judge Kavanaugh’s time as Staff Secretary in the White House. In that capacity, Kavanaugh certainly left a substantial paper trail. An enormous volume of documents ‘circulated through Kavanaugh’s office’; that is the nature of the job. But most won’t tell senators anything about him, his judicial philosophy, or his fitness to serve on the Supreme Court.” (Joshua D. Wright, Op-Ed, “Dems Should Drop Delay Tactics & Evaluate Kavanaugh On The Merits,” RealClearPolicy, 8/13/18)
Law Professor At The University Of Notre Dame Rick Garnett Said It Was “Not Obvious To [Him] Why All This Paperwork Is Relevant” As To Whether Judge Kavanaugh Should Be Confirmed Since “It’s Not His Work Product.” “‘If the question is whether Kavanaugh should be confirmed, that’s the question,’ said Rick Garnett, a law professor at the University of Notre Dame. ‘It’s not obvious to me why all this paperwork is relevant to that question since it’s not his work product.’” (Seung Min Kim, “Clearinghouse For Kavanaugh Documents Is A Bush White House Lawyer, Angering Senate Democrats,” The Washington Post, 8/15/18)
Edwin Meese, The Former Attorney General To President Ronald Reagan, Said Democratic Senators “Have The Time And The Material,” And Therefore, Have “No Excuse To Obstruct [Judge Kavanaugh’s] Prompt Confirmation.” “Edwin Meese, the former attorney general to President Ronald Reagan, said, ‘Democratic senators have the time and they have the material. They have no excuse to obstruct his prompt confirmation.’” (“Memo Shows Supreme Court Nominee Brett Kavanaugh Resisted Indicting A Sitting President,” The Associated Press, 8/11/18)
The Wall Street Journal Wrote That Judge Kavanaugh’s Confirmation Was “Fast Becoming The Most Transparent In History.” “Judge Kavanaugh’s confirmation is fast becoming one of the most transparent in history. The Obama White House provided 173,000 documents on Ms. Kagan and the Trump White House produced 182,000 for the Gorsuch nomination. The White House has already turned over 195,000 on Judge Kavanaugh, with tens of thousands more to come.” (Editorial, “The Kavanaugh Document Fight,” The Wall Street Journal, 8/13/18)
Professor Of Law At George Mason’s Scalia Law School Joshua Wright Said Sen. Grassley “Is Leading A Very Transparent And Fair Nomination Process.” “The Chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee, Senator Chuck Grassley, is leading a very transparent and fair nomination process. Senator Grassley has requested up to one million documents and is giving senators ample time to review them.”(Joshua D. Wright, Op-Ed, “Dems Should Drop Delay Tactics & Evaluate Kavanaugh On The Merits,” RealClearPolicy, 8/13/18)
Attorney Dr. Roger Klein Said Judge Kavanaugh’s “Nomination And Confirmation Process Has Been The Most Open And Transparent In History.” “Owing to Judge Kavanaugh’s many published judicial opinions and his long career in public life, his nomination and confirmation process has been among the most open and transparent in history.” (Dr. Roger D. Klein, Op-Ed, “Judge Brett Kavanaugh Is The Right Supreme Court Appointment At The Right Time,” The Hill, 8/15/18)
In 2006, Sen. Dianne Feinstein (D-CA) Suggested To Kavanaugh, Then A Nominee For The D.C. Circuit, That His Record “As A Judge” Would Be Most Informative
In 2006, Sen. Dianne Feinstein (D-CA) Suggested To Kavanaugh, Then A Nominee For The D.C. Circuit, That His Record “As A Judge” Would Be Most Informative For “Us To Know What Kind Of A Judge You Would Be.” “In 2006, Sen. Dianne Feinstein (D-CA) had a telling exchange with Brett Kavanaugh during his confirmation hearing to join the D.C. Circuit. The exchange indicates she should be fine with examining his extensive judicial record for the Supreme Court confirmation effort, instead of demanding every email in which Kavanaugh was ever included. From the May 9 hearing: ‘Without a record either as a trial lawyer or as a judge, it’s very difficult for some of us to know what kind of a judge you would be and whether you can move away from the partisanship and into that arena of objectivity and fairness.’ Since that hearing, Kavanaugh has been confirmed to the D.C. Circuit, and has served more than a decade there.” (“Should 2018 Dianne Feinstein Observe 2006 Dianne Feinstein’s Standards For Kavanaugh?” NTK Network, 7/27/18)
In 2009, Sen. Chuck Schumer (D-NY) Told Then-Judge Sonia Sotomayor That Her “Record On The Bench” Was “The Best Way To Get A Sense Of What [Her] Record Will Be On The Bench In The Future”
In 2009, Sen. Chuck Schumer (D-NY) Told Then-Judge Sonia Sotomayor That Her “Record On The Bench” Was “The Best Way To Get A Sense Of What [Her] Record Will Be On The Bench In The Future.” “So now I'm going to go onto that line of question. We've heard you asked about snippets of statements that have been used to criticize you and challenge your impartiality, but we've heard precious little about the body and totality of your 17-year record on the bench, which everybody knows is the best way to evaluate a nominee. … And by focusing on these few statements, rather than your extensive record, I think some of my colleagues are attempting to try and suggest that you might put your experiences and empathies ahead of the rule of law, but the record shows otherwise. And that's what I now want to explore. Now, from everything I've read in your judicial record and everything I've heard you say, you put rule of law first, but I want to clear it up for the record, so I want to talk to you a little bit about what having empathy means, and then I want to turn to your record on the bench, which I believe is the best way to get a sense of what your record will be on the bench in the future.” (“Sotomayor Hearings: The Complete Transcript -- Part 4,” Los Angeles Times, 7/14/09)
Priests for Life
PO Box 236695
Cocoa, FL 32923
Phone: 321-500-1000
1833
FROM MICHAEL M' CABE.
Just published, an interesting Letter from Michael M'Cabe, now lying under Sentence of Death,
on the Gaud, in the Calton Jail, addressed to Rebecca Hudson, Bell's Wynd, his Sweetheart, which is published here by his own desire.
EDINBURGH, 4th Feb. 1833.
CONDEMNED CELL, CALTON JAIL
"To REBECCA HUDSON, '
' Bell's Wynd.
" MY DEAR REBECCA,
" No doubt but you would feel truly sorry when you heard of my awful sentence, and I am sure that you will have been watching every opportunity to hear of any reprieve having been sent to me by our Gracious Sovereign ; but alas Reba, no such happy and welcome tidings have as yet been transmitted to me. Every moment appears 28 an hour to me, fondly cherishing, as I do, the hope that a reprieve, or at least a respite, will yet be forthcoming. But even when I reflect on our separation for life, death would be still more welcome. In sorrow and bitterness do I repent?
of my ill spent life, now that I see my days drawing nigh a close. O that I had abided to the instructions of my youth—that I had abstained from idleness and evil company—minded the Sabbath day—that I had attended closely to my business, then might I at this moment of painful suffering, been as happy as any of the innocent companions of my childish days,
I have now only to warn you and other associates in my guilt, to abstain from bad company—to form a new erra in your life,—to Remember the Sabbath day, and Keep it holy,
—to dash the venomous glass of ardent spirits from your mouths, as you would do the most naucious drug, and then your suffering on the bed on death, will be very different from mine. These are the causes of a premature end, which the fruits of life spent like ours, in dissipation, villany, and crime. Every attention is paid to me here, the Jailors are very kind and I am regularly attended by a clergyman, by whose assiduity and feeling-heartedness, I am led to turn my wandering thoughts on the means of expiation, at that Tribunal where the judgment of men has no control. From the liberal education which I received from charitable institutions in Edinburgh, I am, thank God, enable to read the Bible, which has hitherto been too carelessly thrown aside. In it I feel unbounded comfort, and I would strongly exhort you to read it, for in it you will find more comfort, than any gratification which your wicked companions can suggest. An advice of this kind, coming from a preacher on the streets may have little or no impression, but I trust and hope, that coming from one of your late companions in guilt, it will have an effectual, and everlasting impression, and than I will have done one good turn ; I will then be the cause of the saving of a soul. Dear Rebecca, if you could get some printer to revise this, and publish it, it may be the means of doing good, for who can hear the groans of a culprit, whose honors are so near and but will feel affected, and take his sayings seriously to
heart. O that it may make a lasting impression upon the hearts of many, and turn them from the broad road of misery destruction, and death. I had a visit from my sister, but both her feelings and mine, were so overpowered, that I sunk into a state of insensibility. May God bless her and all my
relations, and may they nor you, nor any of my late companions sorry in my death.—I must now bid you an eternal
adieu,
MICIAEL M'CABE.
Kerry Famine Evictions
August 2, 2017 12 Comments Written by Kay Caball
IrishHistorian.org
Evictions occurred in Ireland when tenants could not pay the rent? While this might be the simplistic view it is not the full story. Inability to pay the rent was usually the reason, but there were also a number of other explanations. Unreasonable and unjust rent increases or landlords consolidating land from smallholdings that had been divided and sub-divided was another reason. Quarrels and disputes between the chain of 'middlemen', agents and owner/landlord often ended in the ejectment of the unfortunate tenant who became a pawn in their disputes.
The Irish Famine Eviction project has to-date logged details of over 400 evictions carried out during the years 1845-1852 countrywide. Ten of these eviction sites are listed for Kerry with one hundred and thirty two families dispossessed. Trinity College was the benefical landlord of all of these particular estates and while we don't have exact details for all of the evictions, in the case of one which I chanced on this week, while researching a Kerry ancestry in the Civil Parish of Killury, the reason was a dispute between the immediate middleman and the chain of middlemen appointed by Trinity College. In May 1849 the Leinster Express reported that Trinity College, the largest landowner in Ireland, had issued eviction notice against a number of tenants:
SEAN SHEEHY: Faith Must Be Public
There’s a saying that “when the going gets tough, the tough get going.” There’s another saying that points out “if you don’t stand for something, you’ll fall for anything.” These remind us of the importance of having a solid faith in order to withstand life’s difficulties and avoid being fooled by those who offer quick fixes. Faith is what we rely upon to meet our deepest needs for meaning, value, purpose, peace, joy, happiness, and a destiny that fulfils us as men and women. This kind of faith isn’t just something we possess privately but rather something that we live publicly. It’s the lens through which we view everything and the truth that guides all our decisions. Like life itself, our faith is that which we witness both privately and publicly as we live and move in our relationships, work, and leisure, believing it will bring us perfection. Faith can’t be passive. It has to be active – a verb, not just a noun. This is why Jesus warned, “Whoever acknowledges me before men I will acknowledge before my Father in Heaven. Whoever disowns me before men I will disown before my Father in Heaven.” (Mt 10:32-33)
Faith is about “being” and being expresses itself in “doing”. There’s no such thing as being something without doing something. A fisherman must either fish or cut bait. After teaching the Apostles the Beatitudes Jesus cautioned them, “Say ‘Yes’ when you mean ‘Yes’ and ‘No’ when you mean ‘No.’ Anything beyond that is from the evil one.” (Mt 5:37) The Christian faith requires its possessors to take a clear stand. Our ‘Yes’ or ‘No’ must be both private and public. If we say ‘Yes’ in private it has no substance unless we also say ‘Yes’ in public. If we say ‘No’ in public we’re also saying ‘No’ in private. Praying privately must lead to worshiping publicly. Private prayer that doesn’t lead to public worship isn’t prayer at all. Public worship without private prayer is empty. It may fulfil an obligation but it doesn’t lead to conversion on the part of the worshiper. Jesus calls His followers “the light of the world” (Mt 5:14) showing others the truth. Then He commands them, “Your light must shine before men so that they may see the goodness in your acts and give praise to your Heavenly Father.” (Mt 5:16) Faith in Jesus must be public.
The Old Testament prophets and the Christian martyrs are examples of true faith. Why? They publicly witnessed to what they privately believed. Jeremiah expressed His faith publicly because he privately believed, “the Lord is with me, like a mighty champion: my persecutors will stumble, they will not triumph … Sing praise to the Lord, for He has rescued the life of the poor from the power of the wicked.” (Jer 20:10-13) The proverbial “proof of the pudding is in the eating.” The proof of faith is in the willingness to publicly witness to it. This is every Christian’s vocation. If every Christian publicly witnessed to his or her faith in Jesus Christ, truly present in His Church, the whole world would be converted. The shambolic state of world today is proof positive that not all who claim to be Christian are publicly witnessing true Christianity to the world. Why are so many who call themselves Christian, including those in positions of Church leadership, not giving public witness to Jesus’ teaching? Because it’s not easy. They’re intimidated by those in league with Satan who controls them by fear – fear of not being accepted, persecution, or of not being politically correct. Jesus warned His followers, “A student is not above his teacher; but every student when he has finished his studies will be upon a par with his teacher.” (Lk 6:40) He also stated, “Fear is useless, what is needed is trust ...” (Lk 8:50) Faith in Jesus’ love eliminates fear. (1 Jn 4:18)
Jesus was crucified for His public witness to His love for God and neighbour. He reminded His followers, “Whoever wishes to be my follower, must deny his very self, take up his cross each day, and follow in my steps.” (Lk 9:23) The cross is all about publicly witnessing to the fact that Jesus Christ, present in His Church, is the only Saviour of the world who shows men and women how to be fully human and fully alive. Knowing the ploys of Satan and his followers, Jesus urges us, “Do not let them intimidate you. Nothing is concealed that will not be revealed, and nothing hidden that will not become known … Do not fear those who can deprive the body of life but cannot destroy the soul. Rather fear Him who can destroy both body and soul in Gehenna.” (Mt 10:26, 28) The only fear we should have is being unfaithful to God. That fear motivates us to publicly live our faith in Him so that when we die Jesus will acknowledge us before His Heavenly Father. As the religious hymn reminds us, “Be not afraid/ I go before you always. / Come follow me/ and I will give you rest.” Live your Christian faith publicly and witness Jesus’ truth to that alone can free us and the world from enslavement to sin through materialism, relativism, and selfishness. (frsos)
The Sydney Herald (NSW : 1831 - 1842) Mon 23 May 1836 Page 4
On Tuesday evening, being Fair evening at Kenmare, County Kerry, five ruffians forcibly carried off a young country girl named Mary Cronin, out of the village, and proceeding with her to an adjacent field, brutally violated her person. The police, under the command of Benjamin Jackson, Esq , went in pursuit immediately on hearing of the outrage, and brought back the poor girl in a state of great exhaustion. In the course of the night they succeeded in apprehending three of the perpetrators, and one on the following day, all of whom have been fully identified, and committed by the Rev. B.
Herbert lo abide their trial at the ensuing assizes. The names of the fellows concerned are -John Donoghoe, (a married man ;) Daniel Casey, Michael Leahy,(tailors ;) John Sullivan, (labourer ;) and
John Kelly, (a married man,) labourer. Sullivan has succeeded in evading for the present the active search made for him ,but the indefatigable exertions of Mr. Jackson, every hope is entertained of his
speedy apprehension.-Limerick Chronicle
JUSTICE and Newspapers
BRUSSELS (JTA) — When guards dragged Shin Dong-hyuk from his North Korean cell in 1995, he was pretty sure the end was near.
Dong-hyuk, then just 13, was born in the prison known as Camp 14, not far from Pyongyang. Camp 14 is part of a network of political prisons believed to be the largest in the world, where an estimated 150,000 dissidents and their families live in conditions reminiscent of Holocaust-era concentration camps.
As he was brought to the camp’s execution field, Dong-hyuk realized he wasn’t the one due to be killed that day — it was his mother and brother. The boy calmly watched the executions, he says now, having been brainwashed into believing his family members deserved to die. After all, he was the one who had turned them in.
“They hanged her and shot him for planning to escape,” Dong-hyuk, now 31, told JTA in Brussels. “I was only brought to watch.”
In 2005, Dong-hyuk (pronounced dong-YUKE) became the only known survivor of Camp 14. In the years since, he has traveled the world raising the alarm about North Korea’s treatment of political dissidents, including five visits to the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum in Washington and a meeting with survivors in 2009 at the Simon Wiesenthal Center’s Museum of Tolerance in Los Angeles. He plans to visit Yad Vashem in Jerusalem later this year.
Earlier this month, he addressed a European Parliament conference on North Korea’s camps and was awarded the Moral Courage Award from the American Jewish Committee-affiliated group UN Watch, which considers Dong-hyuk a prime example of the human rights abuses overlooked in the world body’s eagerness to focus its attention on Israel.
Read more: http://www.jta.org/2013/06/20/news-opinion/world/sole-survivor-of-north-korean-prison-wants-world-not-to-repeat-holocaust-era-inaction#ixzz2XhA7Ymjm
Sixmilebridge; John Manners, Notes on a Clare Tour, 1846
John Manners, a life long politician, was the second son of the fifth Duke of Rutland. Educated at Eton and Trinity College Cambridge, he graduated an M.A. in 1839. He composed poetry and in 1841 published a book entitled England's Trust and Other Poems, which is chiefly remembered for the couplet:
Let wealth and commerce, laws and learning die,
But leave us still our old nobility,
- lines which, at the time, exposed him to much public ridicule. Entering parliament in 1841 as member for Newark, he espoused many liberal causes. He was a strong advocate of social reform and for raising the conditions of the lower classes both materially and intellectually. He sought to establish public holidays by act of parliament and campaigned for a ten hour maximum working day for labourers which eventually became law in 1847. Being sympathetic towards the Catholic church, he advocated generous treatment of the Roman Catholic clergy in Ireland and supported the financial grant to Maynooth college in 1845. On the death of his brother in 1888 he succeeded as seventh duke of Rutland. His book on Ireland is principally of value because he toured the country as the Great Famine raged in 1846. What is particularly significant about his journey in west Clare is that, despite observing the appalling social conditions, not once does he mention famine or starvation; as an aristocrat Manners was perhaps too removed from the struggle for survival to appreciate the plight of the common people. The tour was first published in 1849 ‘to amuse and to provide useful suggestions to those who may wish to visit the Emerald Isle’. A second edition appeared in 1881 to show how much progress had been made in the interim.
24 August [1846]. I witnessed to-day some curious and some painful illustrations of everyday Irish life, at Sixmile Petty Sessions, in a wild part of Clare. On entering the little town, every other house in which is a ruin, we met a Mr ---, whom --- introduced to me as one of the most spirited agricultural improvers of the west; we went into court, and the case which occupied most time and attention was one in which Mr --- played a conspicuous part, as will be seen from the following sketch of the attorney’s speech for the plaintiff in Maloney v. O’Gorman.
For twenty years Maloney had rented of Mr --- a small farm and piece of bog convenient at £18 per annum. In 1843 the lease expired; Mr --- refused to renew it, and asked £5 a year in addition for the tenancy at will. Maloney agreed, and took the land at that rent: but Mr ---, anxious to improve his estate, said, unless you will subsoil your farm, you must pay 5s. an acre more. To this fresh demand Maloney demurred, and then followed a series of persecutions on the part of Mr ---, the last of which was the case before us. In 1844 Maloney tendered his rent, minus the £2 5s. for not subsoiling; Mr --- refused to receive it, and served Maloney with a latitat; the cause was tried, and Mr --- cast with costs. Coming out of court, the defeated gentleman saw Maloney and his wife standing outside, and, as their house was some way off, knew they could not reach it speedily, he jumped on a car, and broke into the ungarrisoned place, turning the furniture into the road, and breaking the finger of Maloney’s father-in-law, an infirm old man, with the tongs. The work of demolition was nearly complete before the Maloneys came up. On Mrs Maloney attempting to enter, Mr --- presented a pistol at her; but in spite of all this a truce was concluded, the furniture replaced, Mr --- forgiven, and things resumed a tranquil appearance. But twelve days after this attack, Maloney hears Mr --- has issued a summons against them for an assault. The trial came on, but the crown prosecutor, after opening the case, refused to proceed with it, and Mr --- was again defeated. This took place last spring; he then gave Maloney notice to quit next November, thus acknowledging the poor man’s right to the land until that period. But in spite of this he affected a right to let the piece of bog to the present defendant for 14s. and had induced him to ‘foot’ the peats which Maloney had cut; for doing which the action was brought. Imagine this tale, which I have purposely related in as bald a manner as possible, told with all the vindictive eloquence of an Irish attorney, passionately pleading the cause of the poor oppressed against the rich oppressor! Well, O’Gorman said but little in defence. Mr --- had assured him the bog was not let to Maloney, and had urged him to foot the turves; he believed him, paid his rent, and committed the act charged against him. The plaintiff’s attorney asked for only nominal damages, to prove once more his client’s right, and 1s. fine was imposed on the luckless O’Gorman. What a light does this little history, thus imperfectly told, throw on Irish misery and Irish disaffection! Here you have a gentleman, whose health a few days ago was proposed at the great Irish Agricultural Meeting in Limerick, as the type of agricultural progress, demanding that which no landlord has a right in law or equity to demand of a tenant; persecuting that tenant from court to court for resisting that unjust demand; when defeated in law, having recourse to violence, and with his own arm assaulting an infirm and helpless old man; receiving a double rent for the same bog, and, lastly, urging a man whose money he had wrongfully received to the perpetration of an illegal act, for which that man is punished! . . .
THOUGHT: Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it says George Santayana.
PROTECTION OF LIFE (IRELAND) BILL.
http://hansard.millbanksystems.com/commons/1846/mar/30/protection-of-life-ireland-bill#S3V0085P0_18460330_HOC_33
HC Deb 30 March 1846 vol 85 cc331-64 331
§ SIR J. GRAHAM
Sir, in the absence of any Member of the Government more immediately
connected with Ireland, it is my duty to propose to the House the first
reading of a Bill which has come down from the other House of Parliament.
The hon. Member for Stockport, just before the division, stated that some
mysterious motive had swayed the conduct of Government in pressing this
Motion upon the House. Now, Sir, I hope the House will indulge me with a
patient hearing on the present occasion, while I endeavour to state the
urgent reasons which in my judgment operate conclusively in demonstrating
that no time ought to be lost in the unhappy condition of affairs which it
will be my duty to lay before the House. The task is a painful one; but at
the same time there are some consolatory reflections connected with it. I do
not present myself on the present occasion to bring any sweeping or general
accusation against the Irish people. The case which I am about to bring
before the House is not one which affects Ireland collectively; it is a case
of a local and 334 topical nature, but affecting particular localities to an
alarming extent. Sir, there are other reflections connected with this matter
which are equally consolatory. An accusation has come from one quarter of
the House to-night, that we have delayed this measure too long. I confess it
is more gratifying to my feelings that the accusation should be, that we
postponed it too long, than that we brought it forward abruptly,
prematurely, or unnecessarily. I also must be permitted to state in justice
to the Government that we have now for nearly five years conducted the
affairs of this country in very difficult times, and under adverse
circumstances; that during that time we have been charged with the
responsibility of governing Ireland, and preserving peace, law, and order;
and that, up to the present moment, we have discharged that arduous duty,
relying on the existing law, and without applying to Parliament for any
extraordinary or unconstitutional powers. Nay, Sir—although I do not dwell
with unnecessary stress on the fact—there has been more than one instance in
which we have relaxed existing laws, in which we have not deemed it our duty
to apply to Parliament for the renewal of Acts of a coercive character for
Ireland. When we have called for re-enactment, we have, in more than one
instance, remitted the more obnoxious portions of the law. I will refer, as
an illustration, to the renewal of the Unlawful Oaths Act. That was an Act
containing, as it appeared to us, provisions of an objectionable character.
Under the original Bill the onus lay on the innocent person to prove his
innocence; we threw the onus on the accuser, thus relieving the accused of
the difficult task of proving a negative. Then in the Arms Act, although in
some points we increased its stringency, yet there were many obnoxious
penalties which we removed, for instance the prohibition against a man
carrying on the trade of a blacksmith without a license. In this and similar
cases we repealed the enactments and remitted the penalty. I must also be
perduced to remind the House that the various measures brought forward by
Government in the course of the last two years have been conceived in a
spirit not unfriendly to the feelings, more especially the religious
feelings, of the Irish people. Our measures have not been conceived in a
sectarian spirit, though there may be difference of opinion as to their
practical effect. Those measures were intended as peace-offerings, if they
335 have not been universally so received. I would more particularly refer
to the Charitable Bequests' Act, by which great facilities were afforded for
the endowment of the Roman Catholic clergy, and for providing glebe houses
and chapels for the ministers of that persuasion. I would also refer to the
Bill, which I myself had the honour or proposing, with reference to the
education of the Roman Catholic priesthood at Maynooth—a measure which, I am
sorry to say, gave great offence to many of those of my hon. Friends on this
side, who were generally the supporters of the Government, but which,
nevertheless, we felt it our duty to the Irish people earnestly to press.
Then, with regard to the question of education generally (and I only glance
at the matter as affording another conclusive proof that, in our legislation
for Ireland we are actuated by no hostile spirit or feeling against the
people of that country), the Irish Colleges' Bill, which it will be
remembered I brought under the special notice of Parliament, in the course
of the last Session, is, I think, a measure which, if carried into execution
in the manner I anticipated, will diffuse amongst the middle classes of
Ireland all the benefits of an improved, an extensive, and a liberal system
of education. So also with respect to the National Board — we have adopted
measures for giving increased facilities for extending the benefits of that
institution, large as those benefits are already—inasmuch as between 400,000
and 500,000 children are educated in Ireland at this time under the national
system, and that too in a manner which would do credit to any part of the
United Kingdom — we have also taken measures for providing district schools
in various localities in Ireland for carrying out the system still further,
and affording its benefit to the children of a somewhat higher class. I must
also refer to another matter which is, in my opinion, one of primary
importance. It will be remembered that Her Majesty's Government, acting on
the advice of the Landlord and Tenants' Commission, brought forward in the
other House a Bill for the improvement of the law and the better regulation
of the relations of landlord and tenant in Ireland. The subject being one of
great difficulty, the Bill was not considered by the other House as then
proposed, sufficiently matured to receive their sanction. During the recess,
we have given the subject increased attention, and in concert and
co-operation with the Com- 336 mission over which the Earl of Devon
presided, and of which four Members of the House formed a constituent part,
in concert and co-operation with those hon. Gentlemen and the other Members
of that Commission, we have endeavoured to improve and mature that measure.
It is at this moment in an advanced stage of preparation; and sanctioned, I
believe unanimously, by that Commission, it is now receiving the final
consideration of the Government, and I trust shortly to be able to present
it to the House. Then, Sir, I must observe with reference to this measure,
painful as it is to me to propose it, unconstitutional as I admit it to be,
I, for one, was convinced of the necessity of some such law in the early
part of the Session; but though I foresaw the necessity, I could not
reconcile it either to my judgment or to my conscience to be a party to its
introduction while I saw the extreme physical want and distress of the Irish
people, arising from the failure of the staple article of their food, the
accounts of which have been in various ways brought before this House. I say
though I saw that necessity, I felt that it was a matter of primary
importance that provision should first be made, by an effort of the
Government to relieve those physical wants, so far as legislation could
effect that object; and I, for one, could not consent to be a party to the
introduction of such a measure as the present, unless I had previously
obtained the sanction of the House of Commons to the introduction of the
measure which has been brought under your notice, and the principle of which
has been affirmed by the House—the Bill to open the Corn Trade, and to place
articles which are of the first necessity, as forming the food of the
people, on the cheapest possible footing. I must be allowed to remark, that
the good effect of what has been done in this direction is already
perceptible. The admission of maize free of duty is already operating most
beneficially in Ireland. The demand for that article, I am informed, has
already become great. It is found to be much cheaper than oats, and is
superseding the demand for that description of grain in Waterford and the
other ports in which it has been admitted. And I have reason to believe that
the consequence of introducing maize into Ireland will be, in some degree,
to supersede the use of potatoes among the people of that country as the
chief article of food, and gradually, as I hope, to elevate the scale of
their living. 337 The prejudice against maize, as an article of food, is
gradually subsiding in Ireland; and I am confident that the measures I have
referred to, together with the advances and loans of public money, for the
promotion of public works in Ireland, which Parliament has authorized to be
made, will have a most beneficial effect on the physical, as well as upon
the moral and social, condition of the Irish. I believe that, by a judicious
expenditure of those funds, the productive powers of the country will be
increased; the physical energies of the people will be brought into action;
their moral qualities and social habits will be improved; and when they find
themselves employed, as they will be, for wages, and supporting themselves
and their families by their industry, they will be enabled to subsist
without being, as they are now, entirely dependent on the produce of their
holdings; and the tendency will be to raise the scale of their living, to
increase their physical comforts, and improve their habits of life. And by
these means, with the extension of the blessings of education amongst the
great body of the people, we expect that the social and moral condition of
the people will gradually improve, and the effect will be most satisfactory;
and not only will these measures, I trust be satisfactory, in regard to the
increased benefits they will confer upon, and the improvement they will
gradually effect in the condition of, the Irish people, but also the effect
of this improvement will be reflected in our legislation: because the
Legislature will naturally have greater confidence and trust in a people so
elevated and so improved, than in a people debased by crime; and thus our
legislation, in regard to Ireland, will be guided by a more confiding and a
more conciliatory spirit. But, Sir, time is required to accomplish these
great and necessarily progressive improvements; and in the meanwhile we have
to deal with a case of urgent and pressing importance, in regard to which no
time can, in my opinion, safely be lost; but we must apply such a remedy as
is within the immediate power of the Legislature. I do not stand here to
prefer an indictment against the people of Ireland: quite the contrary; for
I have the pleasure of stating to the House, that of the thirty-two counties
of which Ireland is composed, in the majority of them it will be found, by a
reference to the statistical returns, that life and property are as secure
as in most, if not in every 338 county in England. I repeat, that this is
not a case affecting the whole thirty-two counties of Ireland; so far from
it, I am in a condition to show, that in eighteen of them crime, far from
increasing, has actually diminished within the last year. It is unnecessary
for me to detain the House by specifying the counties in which this
diminution of crime has taken place. Suffice it to say, that there are
eighteen counties in Ireland out of the thirty-two in which there has been
no increase; and that there are many in which the returns show that in the
year 1845 crime has actually decreased. [Mr. O'CONNELL: Tyrone!] Yes, in
Tyrone there has been a large decrease. I find by the Constabulary Returns
for the county of Tyrone, that the number of crimes in 1845 was 180, as
against 220 in the preceding year, showing a decrease of forty in the course
of one year. But I will go further, and state, that I do not think this Bill
could be maintained by a reference to more than ten out of the whole
thirty-two counties; and still further I will say, that if it were not for
the condition of five of those counties, I, as a Member of Her Majesty's
Government, could not conscientiously propose, and Parliament would not be
justified in passing, such a measure. I will state which those five counties
are. I am sorry that I shall have occasion to trespass upon the attention of
the House at some length; but in proposing a measure like the present—a
measure which I am bound to admit is of an unconstitutional character, and
which extraordinary circumstances alone can justify—I feel it incumbent upon
me to explain to the House what those circumstances are, and lay before them
the grounds upon which it has been brought forward. Those five counties to
which I have referred, the present condition of which not only justifies,
but calls for this measure, are Tipperary, Clare, Roscommon, Limerick, and
Leitrim. I have said there are five other counties in which crime has also
increased, but not to so great an extent as in these. Those counties are
Cavan, Fermanagh, King's County, Longford, and Westmeath. Then, in the ten
counties in Ireland in which crime has increased, and crime of that peculiar
character which I am disposed to term insurrectionary, I will state the
extent of that increase by a reference to the returns of the actual number
of crimes committed in each of those counties, in the two years 1844 and
1845:— 339
In 1844.In 1845.
Cavan109257
Fermanagh80166
King's County226301
Longford205372
In Westmeath there has been an increase of 120. In the other counties the
Returns show:— In 1844.In 1845.Increase.
Leitrim228922694
Roscommon264716452
Limerick321460139
Tipperary90899284
Now, Sir, I think I can present this matter to the House in a light, which,
while it appears to me to be most conclusive, is at the same time most
alarming. By the last returns, I find that the whole population of Ireland
is 8,175,000. The population of the five counties to which I have alluded,
and I would fix the attention of the House on this, the whole population of
these five counties of Tipperary, Clare, Roscommon, Limerick, and Leitrim,
is 1,412,000, or little more than one-sixth of the whole population of
Ireland. Now, the crimes to which I more particularly refer are of an
insurrectionary character, affecting and endangering life, and attacking and
destroying property. The offenders are generally actuated by motives of
revenge, arising from individual wrong; and, considering themselves injured,
instead of resorting to the law for redress, they seek to obtain it by their
own hands. The crimes thus committed are homicides, firing at the person,
aggravated assaults, assaults endangering life, incendiarism, killing or
maiming cattle, demanding and robbery of arms, bearing or appearing in arms,
administering unlawful oaths, threatening notices, levelling or destroying
fences, malicious injury to property, firing at dwelling-houses. Now I will
compare the number of these several crimes, committed in these five
counties, with the number committed in all the other counties of Ireland;
and I have to state that the homicides, in 1845, in the five counties, were
47; while, in the whole of the rest of Ireland, the number returned was only
92. Therefore, in five counties, with a population of only one-sixth of the
whole population of Ireland, the number of homicides committed in the year
amounts to one-third of the whole number committed in the whole of Ireland.
In those five counties, in 1845, there were 85 offences of firing at the
person. There were only 53 such offences in the rest of Ireland. Therefore
there 340 were two-thirds of the whole number committed in those counties.
Of aggravated assaults in those counties in 1845, there were 190, and 350 in
the whole of the rest of Ireland; that is, there were two-fifths of the
whole number in the five counties. There were in those counties 110 assaults
endangering life; 127 in the rest of Ireland, or one-half of the whole arose
in those five counties. There were 139 offences of incendiarism in the five
counties, 339 in the rest of Ireland, giving two-sevenths of the whole for
the five counties. Killing or maiming cattle, 108 in the five counties, 164
in the rest of Ireland, or two-fifths of the whole arose in the five
counties. Demanding and robbery of arms—a crime of the most suspicious and
fearful character—in 1845, in the five counties, there were 420 offences; in
the rest of Ireland 131, or four-fifths of the whole arose in the five
counties. Appearing armed; of these offences 64 were produced in the five
counties in 1845; in the rest of Ireland only 25 or two-thirds of the whole
arose in the five counties. There were 190 offences of administering
unlawful oaths; there were only, of offences of a similar description, in
the rest of Ireland, 33, or six-sevenths of the whole amount arose in the
five counties. In the year 1845 there were reported 1,043 offences of
sending threatening notices, in the five counties; only 901 such offences in
the rest of Ireland, that is to say, eleven-twentieths, or more than
one-half of the whole, were committed in these five counties. Attacking
houses, 309 in the five counties, 174 in the rest of Ireland, or
three-fifths of the whole amount arose in the five counties. Of the offence
of levelling and destroying fences, there were 22 instances; in the rest of
Ireland, 34, or three-eighths of the whole have been committed in the five
counties. Of malicious injuries to property, 104 in the five counties, 306
in the rest of Ireland; being one-fourth of the whole in the counties. Now,
Sir, I would beg to observe, that the last crime is the most important and
most deserving of the careful attention of the House; for the worst symptom,
I do not fear to say, of the last few months, has been the increase of the
crime of firing into dwelling-houses after dark, with the malicious purpose
of wounding promiscuously the inmates, whoever they may be. Now, the number
of these offences of firing into dwelling-houses was, in 1845, 93 in the
five counties; 41 in the rest of Ireland, being seven-tenths of the whole in
the five 341 counties. Then, Sir, let us ask what, up to the last moment is
the condition of those five counties? I have here a return made up to the
end of February, respecting four out of the five counties, in the two months
of the present year, January and February; and in those months there were in
Tipperary, 8 homicides; 6 offences of firing at the person; 13 robberies of
arms; 18 firings into houses; 69 offences of sending threatening notices; 14
attacks on houses. In Limerick (exclusive of the city of Limerick), there
were, within two months, 3 murders; 5 firings at the person; 12 firings into
houses; 26 robberies of arms; 50 threatening notices sent; 18 attacks on
houses. In Clare there were in those two months, 1 murder, 1 firing at the
person, 7 firings into houses, 20 robberies of arms, 17 threatening notices
sent. In Roscommon there were 1 murder, 5 firings at the person, 3 firings
into houses, 31 robberies of arms, 61 threatening notices sent, 42 offences
of administering unlawful oaths. Now I must be permitted to say, that if in
the discharge of my painful duty it were necessary to bring under the
immediate notice of the House the details of the crimes to which these
returns refer, it would revolt the feeling of the House, and moreover it
would be impossible to go through the detail satisfactorily. I shall not
therefore make a particular statement of these crimes; but it will be my
duty to classify them, in order to endeavour to put the House in possession
of the general character of them. Observe, I shall confine myself (except in
those cases in which I shall explain that I am deviating from this rule), to
the five counties I have named; and allow me also to say, that I shall read
to you nothing which has not been laid before the Government by responsible
officers—either by resident stipendiary magistrates, or officers connected
with and acting under the constabulary force—their reports being forwarded
to me from the Government in Ireland; and let me further observe, that the
crimes I am about to detail to the House are neither of a sectarian nor
political character. This is a remarkable feature in the case. Protestants
and Roman Catholics—Orangemen and Repealers, all are equally the victims of
these crimes. There is nothing exclusive in their character; and they appear
to find their victims in each sect almost in proportion to their respective
numbers. Again, this state of crime is by no means new in these particular
districts: unhap- 342 pily the evil appears to be rooted. The efforts of
former Governments as well as our own have been put forth for the purpose of
eradicating this species of crime; but all have signally failed. Since my
attention has been directed to this subject, I have found, too, that this
description of crime, if allowed to continue unchecked, has a tendency to
spread; and other counties in the immediate neighbourhood become infected.
This is shown by what I stated at the commencement, that in some other
counties within the last 18 months, crime has increased, and requires the
strong hand of the law to check it. Before, however, I specify the
particulars of many of these crimes, I will ask you to consider for a moment
what a serious disgrace their existence is to the age, to the Government,
and to the country in which we live. They are in fact a blot on
Christianity, a disgrace to our civil policy: they appear to me to be
inconsistent with the boasted liberty of this country—with the freedom of
our institutions—the beneficence of our laws—the refinement of our
manners—the wisdom of our age—and the purity of our religion, the precepts
of which are common to us all; which we believe to be derived from Divine
origin; which we inculcate as the doctrines of truth; but which are so
violated by these crimes that we are disgraced and lowered to the level of a
savage or a heathen country. I am unwilling to detain the House longer than
is absolutely necessary; but on a subject of this importance I consider it
my duty to illustrate what I have stated by specimens of the crimes. They
are only examples of those crimes, the general numerical result of which in
these five counties I have already stated to the House. The first class of
crimes to which I will call your attention is that of "persons murdered or
injured in consequence of their relations having taken or refusing to give
up land;" or murders in connexion with the occupation of, or ejectment from
land. The first case which I speak of occurred in Tipperary in May, 1845. A
certain man had received a portion of land with his wife as her fortune, on
condition of his paying a specified sum of money to her relatives. The wife
died; the man married again; the friends of the deceased wife wanted to
recover possession of the land, which was refused; the man was several times
assaulted, and was ultimately compelled—the Report states— —to quit the land
and the neighbourhood. A 343 feud was thus created between the friends of
the first and second wives. As a party of the former were returning from the
market of Roscrea to Moneygall, they were waylaid and assaulted with stones
by some of the latter, and several serious injuries were inflicted. John
Kennelly (belonging to neither party), who happened also to be returning
from the market, endeavoured to interpose as a peacemaker, when he was
knocked down, and the back of his skull fractured by a blow of a stone.
While down he received a second blow of a stone on the side of the head.
Kennelly died in about a week. There was another case in Tipperary:— The
brother of the deceased had taken a few acres of land some few years ago,
from which the former tenant had been ejected. He had been (previously to
this murder) served with a threatening notice to quit. As deceased sat with
his brother in the evening, four men entered the house, two of them
presenting a pistol at each of the brothers, and demanded why they did not
obey the notice. One of them struck the deceased on the head, breaking his
skull, which he did not long survive. I should now wish to produce some
proofs of the interference with the relation of landlord and tenant, and the
murderous consequences of such interference One instance, occurred in the
case of a Mr. Samuel Smith, on the 18th of January, 1845, in Tipperary:— The
attention of a resident of Borrisofarney having been attracted by a horse
passing his door without a rider, he discovered, at about eighty yards
distanee on the road, the body of Mr. Smith; the skull broken in two places,
and the brain protruding. At the inquest held the medical examiners were of
opinion that the injuries could not have been received by falling from the
horse, nor did the dress of the deceased exhibit any appearance of his
having been dragged along the road. The deceased, who was a resident of
Dublin, had been visiting some of his tenants, and was returning to
Busherstown, whence he had come that morning. It is understood that he was
about dispossessing two persons of a farm, which was to be given to another.
There was another case of the same nature in the county of Clare:— The
deceased man's father had taken land at Dogneire, from which James Sexton
had been previously ejected. Deceased was returning home from that place,
when he was shot in the face from behind a hedge, his assailant following up
the attack by inflicting severe wounds on the back of the head with some
sharp instrument. Then there is a most frightful case of a gentleman, Mr.
Patrick Clarke, being shot on his own premises, at noonday, on the 31st of
October last:— This gentleman was shot dead by two men while riding round
his own demesne, superintending his workmen. It appears that Mr. Clarke,
several years ago, had purchased the estate in question, but had never,
until recently, resided there. Having been induced to visit the place, and
to prolong his stay, he had discovered that, in 344 his absence, he had been
subject to a system of fraud on the part of his tenantry, which he had
determined to check and put down. No sooner was this intention discovered,
than attempts were made, by threatening letters (the receipt of which he
kept a profound secret), to get him to remove from the place, to which
intimidation he did not not yield, persevering in his system of enforcing
the payment of old arrears by his tenantry. In connexion with the cause of
the murder, endeavours are made, in some quarters, to represent the deceased
as a rigorous landlord, of hasty and tyrannical disposition; but these
statements are not borne out. This brings me to make some remarks upon
absenteeism. I agree with those who hold that absenteeism is a great evil;
but to discourage absenteeism we must render the counties of which I have
spoken habitable. Are they habitable under circumstances such as these I
describe? Here is a gentleman who had not been resident since the purchase
of his estate several years ago; he comes down to settle upon it; he
commences improving his estate; he expends money, and calls forth labour; he
rides out from his house to superintend his men; and, as has been seen, is
shot at in noon-day and killed. It appeared that he had been subjected to
some fraud on the part of his tenants; he was determined to punish it; his
intention was no sooner known, than attempts were made by means of
threatening letters, the receipt of which he kept a profound secret, to
induce him to leave the place; he resisted, and it is therefore shown that
the system of enforcing the payment of arrears from tenants is met with the
crime of murder. Another case was that in the county of Limerick, in
January, 1846, of James Lynch:— He had served ejectments on a number of
small tenants on his farm. He was fired at, at about noon, within fifty
yards of his residence, had survived the shot but a few minutes. It appears
that no person can be found who witnessed the attack; but there is
circumstantial evidence against a man named Coshean, who has absconded.
Lynch was a middleman, and his own was the life in the lease under which he
held. Then there is this case:— I have to report that on last night, the 6th
instant, about the hour of half-past seven o'clock, a party of seven men,
disguised, with their faces blackened, and handkerchiefs tied round them,
and three of them armed with guns, and others with bludgeons, entered the
houses of Owen Meany, Bridget Meany, and James Molowny, of Cragboy, in the
district of Tulla, and beat the following persons very severely: — Owen
Meany, James Molowny, Michael Meany, and Thomas Meany; the latter had his
skull fractured, and died in two or three hours afterwards; the others
received cuts and bruises on their heads 345 and bodies; two female inmates
of the houses were also struck, but not seriously hurt. On going away they
fired two shots, and then proceeded to the house of Michael Hogan, of
Shanakill, in this district, and beat him and his two sons, but not
seriously. The deceased is son of Bridget Meany, and bore an excellent
character. An inquest was this day held, at which I attended with Captain
Leyne, and it has been adjourned to Monday next, the 9th instant. The reason
assigned for these outrages is, that in the year 1843 the lands of Cragboy
and Shanakill were divided by the agent under the Court of Chancery, on
which occasion there were three under-tenants on the division which fell to
the lot of Bridget Meany (mother of the deceased), James Molowny, and
Michael Hogan; one of these under-tenants was deprived of the land he then
held, and the other two, it is alleged, are now about to be dispossessed;
there is no doubt, therefore, but that they caused the outrages to be
committed. This is another case:— I have to report that, on the night of the
20th instant, about half-past 6 P.M., at Cally, in the parish of
Killmarathy, as Mr. Alfred Waller was returning to his residence, and alone,
he was waylaid in a field by four men, who severely assaulted him on the
head and arms with bludgeons and stones, inflicting two severe cuts on his
head, and dreadful contusions on the left arm, which fractured one of the
bones below the elbow. A few (3½) acres of land Mr. Waller had at his
disposal were the cause, inasmuch as his assailants, while beating him,
desired him to 'give up Coona, give up Coona' (the name of the little
townland which persons of the name of Keeffe pretended to have a claim to).
Mr. Waller's life is not considered in any imminent danger. From this it is
seen that neither religion nor relationship none of the ordinary feelings of
social life, appear to have had the slightest effect in these cases; it is
seen that these crimes are committed promiscuously, both by day and by
night. I have gone through this class of cases, illustrative of the
interference between landlord and tenant with respect to the occupation of
land. A notice of ejectment is followed by the summary infliction of death;
the execution of a decree of the Court of Chancery in reference to a similar
Act has the same consequence. I must now call attention to another class of
cases, those of magistrates when executing their magisterial duty. I will
first direct notice to the case of Mr. M'Leod, a magistrate in the county of
Leitrim, in November, 1844:— Towards the close of November, 1844, the peace
of the northern part of the county of Cavan, and the adjoining parts of
Leitrim, had become very seriously disturbed by numerous armed and organized
bodies of Whiteboys. To meet these circumstances, the magistracy applied for
an increased police force, and an additional stipendiary magistrate. The
required police were immediately supplied; and Mr. M'Leod, the resident
magis- 346 trate stationed at Enniskillen, was selected by the Government,
and temporarily placed at Ballinamore, in aid of the local authorities in
the suppression of the illegal organization referred to. On the day above
stated, Mr. M'Leod had been dining with Mr. W. Percy, justice of the peace,
of Garadice, and had set out in the evening on his return to his own
quarters. Finding Mr. Percy's lodge gate shut (contrary to practice when
company is entertained), Mr. M'Leod was in the act of desiring the driver of
his car to get it opened, when he was fired at from behind an opening in the
evergreen at the lodge gate, where the assassin, aided by the light of a
candle left (as if designedly) in the lodge, is believed to have
deliberately taken his aim. The gunshot penetrated the heart and lungs, and
caused instantaneous death. There is no doubt that a conspiracy had been
formed; and it is an ascertained fact that a notice of the murder was posted
at Enniskillen two days before its perpetration. That this outrage is
referable to feelings of revenge prompted by Mr. M'Leod's discharge of his
magisterial duty, but one opinion has been expressed; two circumstances,
have, however, been mentioned as its immediate exciting cause; by some it is
attributed to his having refused to bail certain individuals in custody on
serious offences; by others, to a decision made by Mr. M'Leod some days
previously at Bawnboy Petty Sessions. Another part of this case presents a
circumstance most remarkable, and of fearful import. There is no doubt that
a conspiracy had been formed, and it was ascertained that notice of the
intended murder had been posted up in the town of Enniskillen. The
preparations were as notorious in the neighbourhood as they were a secret to
the victim; and there is no doubt that the whole neighbourhood were
participators in this crime. In the case of Mr. Bell Booth, justice of the
peace, I am bound to say, that it did not occur in one of the five counties
to which I have referred; it was in the county of Cavan, though on the
borders of Leitrim. Here is the report:— As George Bell Booth, Esq., justice
of the peace, was returning from divine service in his gig, with two of his
children, some person unknown shot him dead. Although the above awful
circumstance took place within 200 yards of the village of Crossdoney, and
many persons were passing along the road from their respective places of
worship, yet there was no immediate attempt made on their part to secure the
assassin, who effected his escape. The police from the surrounding stations
made every exertion to discover the perpetrator, but without success. Mr.
Booth was an efficient and most useful magistrate, and always ready to
afford assistance when necessary. From that hour to this the assassin has
escaped punishment. No more erroneous impression could be formed, than to
conclude that these crimes arose from any one particular cause, either
political or religious. Those who commit 347 such offences, interfere in
every way with the letting of land, with the ordinary circumstances of
domestic life, between master and tenant; constantly threatening notices are
sent by the peasantry to particular individuals that they must increase the
dowry of a daughter, that they must sanction or must not sanction the
marriage of a son; and unless such notices are immediately obeyed, summary
vengeance is executed. Here is a case of interference between master and
tenant:— Waters, John (county of Tipperary), had been in the employment of
Henry Goring, Esq., of Riverlawn, and was a stranger at the place. As he was
returning to his master's residence, with a man named Corrigan (whose
services as ploughman were likely to be superseded by those of Waters),
several men, armed with bludgeons, according to the statement of Corrigan,
leaped off the road into the grove. Corrigan says he ran away, and looking
back saw the party strike Waters to the ground, and that on returning
shortly after, he found Waters speechless. So that the crime of this man was
the endeavour to replace a servant. Then there is the case of Thomas Linney,
East Galway, who was shot through the lungs. He had recently been engaged as
a steward by the Rev. Mr. Butson, of Clonfert, who had discharged his former
steward (named Coates), retaining, however, in his service two of Coates's
brothers, a coachman, and stable-keeper. To these and to their father, old
Coates, who lived in the neighbourhood, and to another stableboy suspicion
attached, and they were apprehended. Several threatening letters had been
previously sent to Mr. Butson, desiring him to discharge Linney. I should
not refer to a case which the noble Lord the Member for King's Lynn has
brought under the notice of the House, except that unhappily it was
accompanied by very gross circumstances. In that case, a married woman,
pregnant, who was on the road, was shot at in the open day. A child she had
with her at her breast was killed, and the mother was also killed. I will
mention the circumstances of the outrage, and the cause to the House. Mrs.
Fanny M'Elhill, of Tyrone, was the wife of a wood-ranger, who had made
himself obnoxious by prosecuting trespassers. She had proceeded from her
dwelling, with her little daughter, when she was fired at from a wood by the
roadside. Some of the charge entered the child's head, and it is feared her
brain is injured. The mother was wounded in different parts of the body, and
died in a day or two after, having previously given birth to a still-born
child. I should not have mentioned this case unless it had been mentioned by
the noble 348 Lord, as it was not in one of the five counties, but that of
Tyrone. [Colonel RAWDON: Was the crime committed in the day time?] Yes, in
the day time. In South Tipperary, on the 17th of January, 1846, Patrick
Murphy was fired at as he entered his own dwelling one of three men. He had
been employed as keeper on property seized for rent. Again, the noble Lord
the Member for Lynn has referred to another case, which is in the county of
Tipperary, and it is remarkable, as it shows that these acts of violence are
connected with gross interference with domestic arrangements, such as the
keeping of servants. In that case, at the dwelling of an old lady, eighty
years of age, arms were taken away; she was beaten, and a pistol twice
snapped in her face in the road. The case occurred in December, 1845. Now, I
beg the House to consider the state of society in Ireland consequent upon
these outrages. I will read a notice issued by a mining company from Dublin,
dated November 26, 1845, relative to the state of things at Earls-hill
colliery, barony of Slievardagh, in Tipperary; it is signed by Mr. R.
Purday, the secretary, and it shows the social effects of these proceedings.
The notice is to this effect:—
§ "Earls-hill Colliery, Barony of Slievardagh, County of Tipperary.
§ "The board of directors of the Mining Company of Ireland hereby gives
notice to all whom it may concern, that the company's works, at Earlshill
Colliery, will be suspended on Saturday, the 20th of December next, or the
earliest day admissible under existing contracts. The board has been
reluctantly impelled to adopt this course by the outrages and threats to
which the company's stewards Martin Morris and others, have been subjected
with impunity, notwithstanding large rewards offered for information which
might lead to the punishment of the offenders, and by the threatening
notices subsequently served on those well-disposed workmen who are desirous
to work under the company and earn support for themselves and families, but
whose lives are too highly valued by the board to be risked by the
continuance of the works until sufficient protection can be afforded to
them. "RICHARD PURDY, Secretary.
§ "Dublin, Nov. 26, 1845."
§ Now this case shows not only the impossibility of providing an effectual
remedy for the social evils of Ireland by the influx of capital—for the best
remedy for the poverty of Ireland is the introduction of capital—but it
proves that unless you put down this state of things, not only will there be
no influx of capital into the country, but the social evils of Ireland will
be aggravated by the spread of murder and rapine. I do 349 not apologize to
the House for detaining it by the cases I have brought forward, because I do
think the circumstances are so grave as to justify me in bringing before the
House fully, and without reserve, the state of crime now prevailing in these
parts of Ireland, showing that legislative interterference is indispensable
if human life is to be regarded as of any value. Here is a case of murder,
expressly for preventing the voluntary resignation of land. It is in the
county of Tipperary, 27th January, 1845:— John Ryan (county of Tipperary), a
farmer, was about to propose for land, the property of Mr. Philips, of Mount
Rivers. There had, in this case, been no compulsory ejectment, or rigorous
exaction of rights. The occupier, it is said, voluntarily resigned one-half
of the farm, alleging his inability to hold the entire, and continued to
retain the other half. The deceased, represented to be of respectable
character, of some substance, and a native of the place, made no secret of
his intention to propose for the unoccupied land, and had no apprehension of
consequences. On his way, however, to the proprietor, he was assailed by two
men, strangers to himself, one of whom pulled him from his horse and
fractured his head with a stone. He survived only a few days. Two persons
were taken into custody on strong suspicion; but the injured man, evidently
fearing the consequences to his family, would make no disclosures tending to
their identification. So that, at the last extremity of death, such is the
effect of the reign of terror, the dying man, out of regard for the safety
of his relatives and friends, aware that his end was close at hand, dared
not make disclosures tending to identify the parties, lest he should
compromise the safety of his relatives in this region, when savage vengeance
is triumphant. The two men, who had been taken into custody on suspicion,
were discharged for want of evidence, the dying man refusing to give any
explanation. Now, it is clear how little human life is valued in some
particular parts of Ireland. I have heard it said, that, in the five
counties, the great body of the people are tainted—I do not believe it: the
bands are small, though perfectly organized; but the number of persons
comprising these lawless bands is insignificant compared with the great body
of the people. But, still, evidence cannot be obtained, and the law is, by
reason of this, inoperative; and if these small bands prevent the due
exercise of the law, these outrages remaining unchecked, the bulk of the
population will yield to terror, and become unwilling accessories to crime.
Here is a case in Galway, not one of the five counties:— 350 Patrick Swift
was found dead in the river of the town of Galway; there were several marks
of violence about his body and head. He had come to the town to give
evidence in a civil bill case, which was dismissed in his (Swift's) absence.
Some threatening expressions were used towards him by some of the relatives
of the defendant who were chiefly interested in the case. No doubt that man
was murdered to prevent his evidence being taken, and the cause was lost.
Observe: no debt for more than 20l. can be recovered by civil bill process:
so to secure success in an action for debt of less than 20l., an innocent
witness is deliberately murdered. Now, here is another case in Tipperary,
26th June:— John Lundrigan.—Twelve months ago a man was murdered on the
mountains off Ninemile House, near Carrick-on-Suir, and the friends of the
murdered man prosecuted. A woman related to the prosecutors was married to a
publican named Egan, who owned a tent erected on the racecourse of Ballina.
On the evening of the 26th of June, a party of twelve or fifteen men entered
the tent and grievously assaulted Egan and his servant Lundrigan with
stones. On the following day the matter came to the knowledge of the police,
who proceeded to the tent, and found Egan pursuing his usual avocations,
complaining but little of his injuries, unwilling to afford any information
upon the subject, and totally denying any knowledge of the assailants. At
that time, and for a day or two after, Egan suppressed all reference to the
case of Lundrigan; and it was not until the latter was speechless, and past
recovery, that Egan apprised the police of his condition. Lundrigan died
that day, and Egan became so ill that his recovery for a while was doubtful.
Although several persons confidently believed to have been concerned in this
outrage were arrested, the witnesses at the inquest were evidently
determined on screening the perpetrators, and the prisoners were necessarily
discharged for want of evidence. I will take another case in Tipperary (a
remarkable case), showing the striking manner in which every member of a
family was attacked, and their unwillingness to give evidence to convict:—
§ "Nenagh, Feb. 9, 1846.
§ "Between seven and eight o'clock on yesterday morning, a party of twelve
men, all armed with guns, made a simultaneous rush into the dwelling of
Michael Gleeson, who was in bed, as was all his family, with the exception
of his daughter Judy, who had opened the door; the armed men dragged Gleeson
out of bed, and beat him about the body and head with the butt end of their
guns, inflicting two wounds (seemingly dangerous) on his head. Gleeson's
son, who slept in an opposite room, hearing the uproar, got out of bed, and
was immediately attacked in his attempt to oppose his assailants' ingress to
his apartment; one of the villains fired a shot at him which missed him, the
two balls striking the wall in his rear. After a struggle they forced into
his room, and treated him in a similar way to that of his father, inflicting
three severe cuts on his head. After breaking twelve panes of glass and all
the delph in the 351 house, and ordering Gleeson to give up the land (9½
acres) to Seymour, or they would pay him another and a more serious visit,
they went away. Gleeson came into possession of his land twenty years ago,
and out of which Seymour was dispossessed for non-payment of rent. Though
there were five of Gleeson's sons in the house, not one of them informed the
police of this occurrence. Had they done so, there is little doubt but that
the Corbally party would have succeeded in tracing the offenders, as they
were seen to pass up the mountains within less than a mile of that barrack
(Corbally). Nor would they even describe to me any of this gang, although
Gleeson's daughter and one of his sons, from the opportunities they had,
could, I am convinced, do so; however, such is the system of terror
prevalent in this district, my belief is, that had this gang murdered old
Gleeson, not one of his family would come forward to vindicate the law,
unless forced to do so. I directed the constable at Corbally to bring into
Nenagh on to-morrow the son and daughter of Gleeson, and should their
evidence be of any importance I will report accordingly. The resident
magistrate approves of the suggested reward (50l.)
§ "CHARLES G. O'DELL, Chief Constable."
§ Now, observe this; though there were live sons in the house, not one of
them informed the police of the occurrence. Had they done so, there is
little doubt that the Corbally party would have succeeded in tracing the
offenders, as they were seen to pass up the mountains within less than a
mile of that barrack; nor would they even describe any of the gang. I will
not trespass on the time of the house by detailing many more particular
cases; still there are two or three which give so faithful an impression of
the condition of more than one of these five counties, that I must be
permitted to read these few extracts to the House. Here is another case from
Tipperary:— I have to report that constable Patrick O'Hara, and
sub-constables John Franklin, James Burke, John Young, John Mulrooney, and
Anthony Cullen, of the Clonlough station, were on patrol in the
neighbourhood of Ballinahinch, about 7 P.M. last night, when they were fired
on by a party of Rockites, about eight in number, who no doubt lay in wait
for them; the police (four of whom had loaded arms) returned the fire, but
cannot say with what degree of effect. The Rockites' fire, I am sorry to
say, told on sub-constable Cullen; he is severely wounded in both arms; the
ball, which passed through the left and lodged in the right arm near the
elbow (but not in the joint), has been extracted by Dr. Carey, of this town,
who was immediately in attendance. The police took but one prisoner, and one
stand of arms (a pistol). The prisoner is a young man, about eighteen years
old, a servant boy of a farmer. The police detected him giving the signal to
the Rockites to rush from their hiding place, near a house where the
constable O'Hara states he called to receive some information about
unregistered arms, and a party whom they met on patrol the Friday before,
and whom they suspected to have been firing shots and disturbing that
neighbourhood, but found no arms with them. 352 One fellow on this occasion,
on being searched by the police, attempted to wrest the carbine from
sub-constable Young, and him they have summoned for obstructing them in the
discharge of their duty, by order of the magistrates. In this case it is
shown that a party of armed men were lying in wait for the police at 7
o'clock in the evening, and actually commenced the assault by firing a
volley upon them. Here is another case, reported by Mr. Graves, a
stipendiary magistrate:— Dances are held constantly in the several
townlands. This is done solely to give a tangible excuse for the gathering
together of a number of persons. I have had those dance houses most
carefully watched by the police, and I find there is no drunkenness, no
rioting; everything is conducted peaceably, but during the time dancing is
going on inside the houses numbers of men are congregated outside; I am
quite sure with no good intent. This report shows that even the most
innocent amusements may be perverted in the disturbed districts into
opportunities of planning the perpetration of crimes. I have another report,
received only the day before yesterday, from the county of Clare; it is
dated March 24, and contains a notice of a description corroborating what I
have already stated in reference to those crimes; a gentleman named Floyd
was suspected of having given information that led to the apprehension of
four men, who at the last Clare assizes were convicted and sentenced to
transportation; he was not a witness in the case; he was only suspected of
having given the information that led to the apprehension of the men; and
the report contains a notice in which he is threatened with death unless
before a certain day he obtained a pardon for the convicts. I have but one
more case I wish to bring under the notice of the House; but it shows such
an amount of interference with mere matters of domestic arrangement, that I
wish to draw the attention of the House to it; it shows the spread of
tyranny and open violence, and a breaking down of all the rules of social
intercourse, that is more alarming than anything I have read. It is a case
tried at the last Clare assizes:— At the last assizes for the county of
Clare three persons were tried for a murderous assault on a person named
Hehin. The circumstances of the case were these. Hehin was steward of the
steam packet carrying passengers on the Upper Shannon. He was in the habit
of purchasing milk from a woman for the use of the passengers in the
steamer. He complained to her that the milk was not good, and that he wished
for better milk for the use of the gentlemen going to the last fair at
Ballinasloe, who were to breakfast on 353 board the steamer. She promised to
give better milk, but did not do so, and Hehin ceased to deal with her; and
she said he should be sorry for it. Accordingly in a few days after, on the
arrival of the steamer at Killaloe, Hehin was watched, and when the
passengers had left the steamer, and Hehin landed alone on the quay, he was
stopped by three persons, who ordered him to kneel down, asked him about the
milk, immediately attacked him, fractured his skull in several parts, and
left him for dead. In this case the parties were convicted. I have adduced
this case to show the small value put upon human life, and the summary
vengeance that is taken for the most ordinary actions, and on the slightest
provocation. I have already in the course of the evening presented to the
House a petition, signed by the high sheriff and the majority of the grand
jury of Leitrim, praying the House to pass into a law the Bill introduced
for the suppression of crimes of this kind. I now wish very shortly to refer
the House to memorials presented to the Lord Lieutenant from the whole of
these five counties, praying for the enactment of some summary process of
punishment for this class of crimes. The address from Tipperary, presented
by the Earl of Donoughmore on the 25th of March says:— We feel convinced
that all sources of information are dried up through the sympathy of the
ill-affected, and the intimidation exercised towards the well-disposed. We
do not dwell on the numerical amount of crimes committed, because it is to
their character that we wish to point attention; ejectment from land is no
longer the sole origin of these sad occurrences. The slightest cause is now
sufficient to endanger life, and no one can tell when that may arise. We do
not urge the insecurity of landlords' rights; we do not complain of want of
support being afforded to ourselves by your Excellency's Government; but we
point attention to the insecurity of the peasant's hut, to the scenes of
desolation there constantly occuring, to the prevalence of that species of
crime which saps the root of every virtue, and is rapidly eradicating all
trace of the original character of the Irish peasant. I have also the
address presented by the grand jury of Roscommon, signed by one of the
Members for that county, the O'Conor Don, setting forth the disturbed state
of the county, and praying the Legislature to provide means of protection. I
will not weary the House with these addresses; there is also one from the
county of Leitrim; but two or three of the resolutions adopted by the
magistrates and gentry of the county of Limerick I will read: they state—
That murder, breaking open houses for arms, threatening notices, and
intimidation, are of daily and nightly occurrence, attacking all classes who
do not join or submit to laws made at nightly 354 meetings of large bands of
armed peasantry; that the laws at present in force are not sufficient, in
the disorganized state of this county, to repress the outrages that are
taking place. There is also one from the county of Clare, presented by Sir
Lucius O'Brien on the 1st of March, 1846, praying for an increase in the
constabulary force, on account of the dangerous state of that county. Now,
having shown, perhaps at too much length, the unhappy condition of these
five counties, with reference to crime, I will briefly state the heads of
the Bill sent down from the other House of Parliament, for the purpose of
aiding the Government in the repression of these fearful outrages. I shall
not conceive it to be my duty in the present discussion to enter upon the
general policy of the measure; but when that policy shall come to be
reviewed, I shall be prepared at length to defend the various provisions of
the Bill. I shall at present merely state what those provisions are. In
cases in which the prevalence of murder and crimes against the person shall
appear to render it necessary, power is given to the Lord Lieutenant in
Council to proclaim the district where such crimes shall have been
committed, and then may appoint resident magistrates and additional
constables for such proclaimed districts. The Lord Lieutenant in Council is
also empowered to levy the charge for the salaries of such magistrates, and
the expense of such additional constabulary, upon the occupiers of the
district proclaimed. This part of the measure must be taken in conjunction
with the announcement made by my right hon. Friend at the head of the
Government, that it is intended to propose, under ordinary circumstances, to
charge the whole expense of the constabulary upon the public fund. The
effect, therefore, of the present Bill will be, to make the payment of this
force in the proclaimed districts a penal payment by the tenantry. This
principle is not new to the law either of England or of Ireland. Full power
is given to the Lord Lieutenant not only to charge the expense of the
additional constabulary upon the district, but also to levy a compensation
to individuals sustaining injuries of a permanent character, and in cases of
loss of life compensation to the surviving relatives. But neither in England
nor Ireland is this principle of compensation for personal injuries, new. In
cases of riot, and fire-raising, counties are liable for the damage. By the
6th and 7th William IV., power is now 355 given to grand juries in Ireland
to levy any sum they may think fit for compensation for injury done to
property, whether moveable or fixed, animate or inanimate; and the power is
given to levy this charge not only on the whole county, but, in exact
analogy to the principles of the present Bill, on any portion of that county
they may think fit. By the 106th section of the same Act, chap. 116, grand
juries have the power of presenting any sum they may think proper as
compensation to the personal representatives of those who, having to give
evidence against offenders, may be murdered previous to the trial, the
amount to be levied on the barony where the murder takes place. The
principle of the measure is then, in this respect, not new to the law of
this Realm. It has been said, that this Bill gives to the Lord Lieutenant
the same powers which he enjoyed under the General Constabulary Act. It
certainly does give the Lord Lieutenant power to increase the salaries of
persons employed in the preservation of the peace; and it also gives the
Lord Lieutenant unlimited power to appoint stipendiary magistrates, with
such salaries as to him may seem fitting and expedient. Now, I propose by
this Bill that the Treasury shall pay those salaries in the first instance,
and that the counties shall refund. The Lord Lieutenant shall have power to
fix the salaries; his certificate shall be binding upon the grand juries,
and they shall be bound to levy sufficient for the payment of those
salaries. This, I need scarcely observe to the House, is a principle fully
recognized by the existing law. Further, there is by this Bill power given
to the Lord Lieutenant to cause the apprehension of persons found out of
their dwellings between sunset and sunrise; but they shall be tried by a
jury and before a Judge of assize. After apprehension and before trial, the
Lord Lieutenant shall possess the power of liberating persons so accused,
and he shall also possess the same power of liberation after they have been
found guilty. I may here state, that I do not rest these provisions upon
former precedents alone; and yet what occurred in other cases is not wholly
unworthy of your attention. Nothing would be easier than to show that
several of the former Bills introduced with this object, really did bring
about the effects expected from them without its ever becoming necessary to
carry out into full operation all the provisions of those Bills. In 1834
there was a Coercion 356 Bill, but no court-martial ever sat under the
provisions of that measure; for the mere fact that such provisions had
received the sanction of Parliament, sufficed to render the application of
them wholly unnecessary. Now, this is a matter to which I wish particularly
to call the attention of the hon. and learned Member for Cork. He cannot, of
course, have forgotten that, in the year 1835, he took part in the
discussions on the Coercion Bill of that period; and I should desire to
quote his exact words. They were spoken on the 31st of July, 1835, and are
as follows:— In the present Bill, if I rightly understand it, much of the
mischievous tendency of the Coercion Bill is avoided. It directs the
magistrates at sessions to deal with actual offences against the laws as
they find them, and it also authorizes them to give to a man an opportunity
of explaining why he is found abroad at night, and unless he can give a
satisfactory explanation, he is subjected to the penalty of a misdemeanor.
This is a great improvement upon the former measure; and I am glad to find
that the Government is content with it. It gives protection where it is
wanted, but at the same time takes from no man the right of being tried by a
jury. Its only infringement upon the liberty of the subject is in the power
given, as I have already observed, to deal with persons who are found out of
their houses by night, and who can give no satisfactory explanation of their
being from home. If the Bill shall have the effect of suppressing the
baneful practice of nightly outrages, it will be most salutary for Ireland,
and one of the greatest benefits that can be conferred upon her in her
present state. My only wish with respect to it is, that it had gone a little
further, and had endeavoured to put down those affiliated societies which
flourish in Ireland in spite of the law, but which, I contend, it is the
duty of the Government to suppress. The onus of proof, the hon. and learned
Gentleman justly observed, rested upon the party accused; and I am now glad
to be able to call the attention of the House to this, that we have the
sanction of his legal authority, supported by the intimate knowledge which
the hon. and learned Member for Cork possesses of his countrymen, to show
that, with reference to proclaimed districts, this measure is the best that
under such circumstances can be adopted. The House will see from the
extracts which I have read, that the hon. and learned Gentleman did approve
of prohibiting the population of disturbed districts going at large between
sunset and sunrise, without being able to account for their doing so. I am
very unwilling to trespass at greater length upon the indulgence of the
House; but I cannot help adverting to some other of the various
circumstances which have the effect of driving landlords away from 357
Ireland; of compelling them to reside elsewhere; and of causing them to
cease employing those labourers to whom, under a different state of things,
they would have given full employment. I shall at present mention but one
case, which is contained in the evidence published in the second volume of
Lord Devon's Report, page 751. It is the case of a Mr. Wilson, a Roman
Catholic gentleman residing in the county of Clare. He then resided upon his
own property; he constantly resided on it, performing all the duties which
as a landlord he was bound to perform. In the course of the last autumn and
winter he received three distinct threatening notices. It appears that he
had recently let a quantity of land amounting to 140 acres which had fallen
out of lease. He divided this land amongst different tenants; but he took
the liberty of reserving four acres for the use of an old servant of his,
whom he wished to reside upon the land. In the course of the last six months
he received, as I have said, three threatening notices; and he was,
therefore, compelled to quit the neighbourhood. When he was present at
divine worship, for the last time, in the chapel which he usually attended,
he, with the permission of the parish priest, ascended the steps of the
altar, and, addressing the congregation, said that there were then present
the men who sat in judgment upon him, and who passed sentence of death upon
him. He repeated that he knew them as well as the time and place at which
they decided the question of life and death as affecting him, and pronounced
such a sentence as compelled him to quit the country and change his
residence. But he declared, that if they would form a committee among
themselves, he would submit the matter to such committee, and abide by their
decision. There was no concealment in this case; Mr. Wilson openly avowed
that it was in consequence of the threatening letters he had received he was
compelled, with his wife and family, to relinquish his home. Mr. Carrick, as
a friend of the hon. and learned Member, took part in a transaction which I
am sure the hon. and learned Member will not forget. I allude to the Clare
election, a memorable epoch in the life of the hon. Member. [Mr. O'CONNELL:
He voted for me.] He voted for the hon. and learned Member. That gentleman
was barbarously murdered. Since Mr. Wilson left the county Mr. Carrick has
been shot. I am just about to read a letter from a gentleman who, if I 358
am not misinformed, is connected with the hon. and learned Member for Cork;
Mr. Laing is a nephew of the hon. and learned Gentleman, a Roman Catholic,
and a most respectable gentleman. He says— In reference to my report of the
18th instant, I have now, with much regret, to state that Mr. Carrick died
of his wounds this morning. The awful death of this unfortunate gentleman
has spread the utmost alarm and consternation among the respectable classes
throughout this county, who are looking forward with deep anxiety to the
passing of the Coercion Bill, in the hope that it may be the means of
putting a stop to that dreadful and appalling system of assassination so
perseveringly carried into effect. No man's life is safe; and unless the
most stringent and comprehensive laws are immediately enacted for the
protection of life and property, the possession neither of the one nor of
the other can be considered secure. There is one other document,
LT. GENERAL DERMOT EARLEY RIP
At the recent funeral of GAA star and distinguished soldier Lt General Dermot Earley, mourners were told about his 'Plan for Life' and the advice he gave to young soldiers and cadets: 1. Enjoy time with my family; 2. Give the best to my work; 3. Give back to my community; 4. Spend my leisure time well; 5. Make time for God in my life. Your attitude is more important than your ability. Your motives are more important than your methods. Your courage is more important than your cleverness and have your heart in the right place.
Full Details hereJust a Sample of info http://www.archive.org/stream/3766990/3766990_djvu.txt Connor Kerry Besides the CyCounars of the royal t^eremoiiiaQ line,
who, as stated above, were mercilessly struck down by
Cromwell, another family, of the same name, but of a diffe-
rent race, suffered a like fate ; and, with the entire confisca-
tion of their possessions, lost, also, two of their chiefs
by the gallows^ at the close of this war. These were the
O'Connors of Kerry, of the ro^ line of Ir. Their martyred
chiefs were John O'Connor, of Carrigafoile Castle, and Teige
O'Connor, of Aghalahanna, Lord of Tarbert, both in Iraght-
i-Connor (O'Connor's inheritance or principality), the most
northern barony in Kerry county. The fate of the latter
chieftain is described in stanza cviii. of the poem; (hat of the
former, which is unaccountably pretermitted by our author, is
thus pithily detailed in father Morrison's "Threnodia," a
work of unquestionable authority. ''The illustrious John
O'Connor-Kerry, Lord of Kerry and Iraght, on account of
his adhesion to the Catholic party, and his efforts to draw to
it, not only his personal followers, but all with whom he had
friendship, was, after having beeu by slantagem seized upon
by the Protestants, brought to Tralee, in that county, and
there half hanged and then beheaded^ A.D. 165Sr '
To neither of t^ese remarkable executions dees Smyth, who
wrote a hundred years ago, make the idightest allusion in his
so-called " History of Kerry," nor in his statemeist of their
forfeitures does he mention even the names of the 0*Connors.
Perhaps he did not deem it prudent to remind álares of their
rights in the midst of their oppression. Their estates were
bestowed on Trinity College hj the ungrateM Charles II. ;
* He was treacheroasly murdered before Kinsale.
300
and the learned Corporation, thus enriched, possesses, (in-
cluding other grants), at least one hundred thousand acres of
good profitable land in Kerry alone. " The largest gift of
lands," says Smyth, p. 64, " under the said act (* Act of Set-
tlement') was that, made to the Provost and Fellows of Trinity
College, Dublin, who, by the letters patent of King Charles
II., dated November 10th, 1666, had a very large estate set-
tled on the said University for ever, with Courts Leet and
Courts Baron, at Noghoval and Carriffo/bile, together with
fairs, markets, &c., and the king was pleased to reduce the
crown-rents of the said estate in this county to the sum of
£100 per annum/* And thus, for ever did the last remnant
of the once princely possessions of the O'Connors of Kerry,
pass out of the strong hands that held them for sixteen hun-
dred years and upwards. For, all our histories concur in
stating, that the ancestor of this most ancient race was of Kiar,
an Irian Prince, w ho conquered and gave name to Kerry
(Ciarriad/ie, "Kiar's Kingdom"), so early as the first century
of our Era ; and that the O'Connors continued in the undis-
turbed enjoyment of the northern half of the present county,
until the arrival of the English invaders, when, in the course
of time and war, they were gradually deprived of the greater
portion of their princely territory by the Desmond Geraldines,
who finally compelled them, by treaty (recorded at Berming-
ham Tower), to confine themselves in future to the single
Barony of Iraght i-Connor. Yet, even upon this diminished
inheritance of their's, encroachments were made by the rapa-
cious Elizabeth and her immediate successor, the virgin queen
rewarding Fitzmaurice - Lord Kerry - with estates - in Iraght
for his services against the O'Connors ; and " Scottish James"
bestowing the Seignory of Tarbert upon the M'Crossans, alias
Crosbies, for still worse acts of treachery and baseness.
Nevertheless, they retained, down to the Protectorate, con-
siderable estates both in Iraght and Truenachmy Baronies, as
501
appears by the following extract from Petty's " Book of For*
feitures and Distributions/' an authentic record of Crom well's
ruthless spoliations, according to which : -
1st. The Carrigafoile family, the eldest branch, now extinct,
but then represented by Connor Cam O'Connor Kerry, for-
feited Cahirnuili Kiletine, Carrig Island, and Lislaghtin^ in
Ahavallin parish, with Kilbrachach, in the parish of Murhur.
2nd. The Aghalahanna family, the next, and now the re-
presentative branch, whose then chieftain was Thomas M'Teige
O'Connor, father of Teige, hanged, as above, forfeited Agha-
lahanna (Ahalanna), in Murhur, Ballaghenespic and Larhoe,
in Ahavallin, ReenturJcj in Kilnaughtin, and Gallard, in
Liseltine parish. • 3
3rd. The Knockanure family, who soon after became, and
still are, peasants on their own lands, but were then repre-
sented by Donogh O'Connor, forfeited Culleengurteen, in
Knockanure parish, and Corventoine.
4th. The Liselton family, descended from Dermod, son of
Donagh, slain in 1405, whose representative, Thomas O'Connor,
is marked in Cromwell's " List of Catholic Proprietors" as,
by connexion, a Protestant, (his brother John, a pervert priest,
being then a Protestant minister) forfeited Kilgrevane, now
Kilgarvan, Lachach and FarrenstacJcey, all in Liselton parish.
This family, like the preceding, continued to locate in Iraght,
without, however, being reduced to the same state of obscurity.
The r^í>r«zíí? minister had a son and a grandson, the one
archdeacon^ the other chanter of the Cathedral of Artfert, who
intermarried with the new Cromwellian proprietary, infusing
a much boasted improvement into their Saxon blood ; and,
strange to say, their last known descendant, Mr. Ambrose
O'Connor, became a convert to the Catholic Church, and,
being an excellent classical scholar, kept a school at one time
at Mill-street, and then at Listowell, in both of which some of
22
302
the existing priests of the diocese were educated. Of Thomas,
hy connexion a Frotestant, the present representative is Mr.
John O'Connor, of Glanmore, near Dundrum, m the County
of Dublin, a native of Liselton, the old locale of his ancestors.
5th. The Ballyline, or Ahannagran family, descended from
a younger son of Dermod Sugagh (the pleasant), who died in
1154, just seven hundred years ago, forfeited those two estates
in the parish of Ahavallin, where they had been located for
five centuries. The forfeiting chief wa» Murrogh O'Connor,
who remained, as under tenant to the College middleman, on
his own confiscated property, and was succeeded, as such, by
his son, grandson, and great grandson. But this latter,
another Murrogh, who was a good poet, having represented
to the Board the oppressive conduct of the chief tenant, was
himself put in his place by that body, who indeed have always
maintained the character of good landlords. - See "Poems,
Pastorals, and Dialogues, by Morrogh O'Connor, of Augh-
anagraun;" Dublin : E. Jones, Clarendon -street, 1739 j in
which volume Murrogh does justice to his benefactors. The
book is alluded to by Smith (who was contemporary wiWi
Murrogh O'Connor), in a note to the " History of Kerry,"
without any mention of the author's name. [
Two other families are recorded in Sir William Petty 's
book, as having forfeited, at this period, in the Barony of
Truhenachmy, whence they were never, until then, dislodged ;
having held uninterrupted possession since the middle of the
eleventh century. Both were descended from Donal, second
son of Cathal O'Connor-Kerry, slain in 1069, whose elder
brother, Connor O'Connor-Kerry, was ancestor of the five
families of Iraght, already enumerated. These descendants of
Donal were :
6th. The Bahonane family, now untraceable, but represented
in Cromwell's time by Bryan O'Connor, who forfeited " Ra-
^ honanCi Cahirslee, and Zisloose, in the borough of Tralee, and
S03
Carngreague, in the Parish of Annah," near that town: and
lastly -
7th. The Nohoval family, vf\\o settled at Gárríhees, in
Corki^uinny, after their confiscation, having forfeited Nohoval,
Luglis9an*, Cluantarriff, and Ballf Égan, near Castleisland,
Its chief, in Petty's time, was Thomas M'Tarlogh O'Connor,
of Nohoval, ancestor of Thomas O'Connor, Esq., of Beal, and
his brother, Maurice O'Connor of Rushy Park.
Among the distinguished chiefs of this family during the
two centuries jwrior to Cromwell's war, were, Tst, John
O'Connor-Kerry, Prince of Kerry, and Iraght (son of Connor
ob 1345, son of Connor ob 1396, son of Connor ob 1366),
who founded Lislaughtin Abbey in 1470, and, with his wife
(Margaret Nagle), was buried therein A.D. 1485 - Annals
Four Masters; 2nd, their son, Connor O'Connor, styled
Glaucus, whose name occurs in the original* MS. of the
Masters, as well as in Connellan's Translation, ad annum
1599, and in all the genuine pedigrees; Srd, his son, Connor-
O'Connor, styled Fion, or " the fayre," slain in the battle of
Lixnaw, A.D. 1568; 4th, /lis son, a third Connor O'Connor,
styled Bacach or tke Lame, slain shortly after Desmond's
escape from Feltrim, near Dublin, which occurred at Martin-
mas (Uth November) A.D. 1573; 5th, John O'Connor,
styled Shane i Cathach, or " of the Battles," (a minor at his
father's disease) who died s. p. in 1639. This John was
succeeded by his elder nephew, another, (6th,) John, called
Shane an phina - or of the wine, who, as stated before, was
hanged at Tralee, in 1652, by the Cromwellians. Dying
without issue male, he was succeeded in the chieftancy by his
brother, Connor O'Connor, styled Chm or the Crooked, who
forfeited under Charles the Second. Their father was Donogh
* The name as written in the original is a contracted word. Doctor
O'Donovan omits it, by mistakei both in his Irish copy and translation of
the Four Masters.
304
Maol, wLose death is thus recorded by the Four Masters, ad
ann. 1699 :- "The son of O'Connor-Kerry, namely, Donogh
Maol (son of Connor, son of Connor, son of Connor, son of
John), was slain in the month of August by a party of the
Earl of Desmond's soldiers (the M'Sheehys), and that slaying
■was considered a great loss by the Earl, for O'Connor himself,
i.e., John" (of the Battles) " and Ais Irother the said Bonogh,
together with all those in their country, were his allies."
Through his 2nd son. Conn, styled Cam, he was grandfatlier of
Charles O'Connor-Kerry, the last inaugurated chief, who was
outlawed at the Tholsel of Dubhn on the 20th May, 1691
(D'Alton's MSS.), and whose pedigree, as certified hy his own
hand on the 18th August, 1688, we have scrupulously
followed.
Friday, December 4th, 2009
As your Bishop, I share in the ministry of the Good Shepherd. In that spirit of love and concern, I wish to alert you to yet another significant challenge the Diocese of Bridgeport is now facing.
It could be called "The Lawn Man Liability Suit."
Back in 1968, a lay person who is claimed to have operated a lawn mowing service allegedly abused a minor, Michael Powel. Mr. Powel claimed that he worked for the lawn man, but that has not been established. Among the lawn man's customers was St. Theresa Parish in Trumbull. Over 25 years later, Mr. Powel claimed that he recovered a memory of this alleged abuse. In 2002 (the year the Connecticut General Assembly vastly expanded the statutes of limitation for sexual abuse claims) Mr. Powel sued the lawn man, and was awarded a large judgment in 2005 when the lawn man ceased defending the action.
After he learned that the lawn man had little money, Mr. Powel in 2006 sued the Diocese of Bridgeport. Mr. Powel falsely claimed that the lawn man was actually an employee of the Diocese. He also claimed that even if the lawn man had not been an employee of Diocese, the Diocese was still somehow responsible for supervising the lawn man's personal and business lives.
Mr. Powel added an accusation that, in the winter of 1971, a now-deceased priest assigned to the parish had also abused him. Mr. Powel made this accusation even though he wasn't a member of that parish and may never have worked there. This accusation is also based on a "memory" claimed to have been recovered over 30 years after the alleged abuse took place.
Mr. Powel died in 2008. His claims against the Diocese are now being pursued by his estate. In late 2009, his estate called in a California-based law firm (part of a network of trial lawyers who sue Catholic dioceses nationwide) to advance these claims.
Mr. Powel's "Lawn Man Liability Theory" goes where no other liability claims against Catholic institutions have gone before. Imagine if you were held responsible for what your lawn man, plumber, or electrician may have done over 40 years ago! This is what the Diocese is now fighting.
What's more, the California law firm is using Mr. Powel's claim that a priest abused him to justify a broad based demand for documents that fall outside the period during which Mr. Powel claims to have been abused. Thus they are not relevant to his claims. In an attempt to inflame public opinion, the California lawyers have characterized these documents as "secret." However, they include personnel, medical and legal files that any organization would consider privileged or confidential. This California law firm wants to troll through these documents for its own business purposes. The firm's recent mailing to local households reinforces its opportunistic intentions.
This same law firm also claims that these old cases are "a public safety nightmare." This is false and unjust. The Diocese has made public the names of offending priests, removed them from ministry, reached out to victims, and settled all of those claims. As you know, the Diocese has also gone to the greatest lengths to create a safe environment for our children and young people - background checking more than 30,000 clergy, employees, and volunteers, and providing prevention training for more than 95,000 people.
In these days, you may also be reading media accounts of documents released by the courts that pertain to a settlement the Diocese reached in 2001, prior to my arrival as your Bishop. Please continue to recall that the key information in those documents, which relates to alleged incidents in the 1960s and 1970s, has been public for a very long time. More than 200 stories about them appeared in the media between 1993 and 2002.
I promise to keep you informed as this case progresses. More information and updates are posted on www.bridgeportdiocese.com.
In spite of these problems and challenges, please remember that we are entering upon a season of joy and grace as we prepare to celebrate the birth of Christ. Please pray for me and for the Diocese of which we are a part. And please be assured of my heartfelt prayers for you and your loved ones.
May this holy season truly be full of grace.
Friday, November 13, 2009
Fighting "mythistories" about the Crusades
Ibn Warraq, author of Why I Am Not a Muslim and other books, takes on the cockroach-like "mythistories" that the Crusades were unwarranted acts of barbaric Western aggression and that "modern
Muslims have inherited from their medieval ancestors memories of crusader violence and destruction":
A new generation of Western medieval scholars has tried to rectify misconceptions about the Crusades. Historian Jonathan Riley-Smith has pointed out that "modern Western public opinion, Arab
nationalism, and Pan-Islamism all share perceptions of crusading that have more to do with nineteenth-century European imperialism than with actuality." Muslims, in particular, have developed
what Riley-Smith calls "mythistories" concerning the putative injuries that they received at the crusaders' hands. This is not to deny, of course, that the crusaders were responsible for
outrages, including what is sometimes called the First Holocaust-the massacres of Jews that began in Worms
on May 18, 1096, and continued into Mainz, where the Jewish community, one of the largest in Europe, was decimated. It is rather to say that the Crusades are misunderstood on multiple levels.
For one thing, they were not exclusively concerned with combating Islam. Pagan Wends, Balts, and Lithuanians; shamanist Mongols; Orthodox Russians and Greeks; Cathar and Hussite heretics; and those Catholics whom the Church perceived as its enemies-all were targets of the broader mission to extirpate heresy.
Nor were the Crusades "thoughtless explosions of barbarism," as Riley-Smith accurately characterizes their reputation today. They had a sophisticated underlying rationale, elaborated theologically by Christian nations threatened by Muslim invaders who had managed to reach into the heart of Europe-from central France in the eighth century to Vienna in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. They were a response to the desecration of Christian shrines in the Holy Land, the destruction of churches there, and the general persecution of Christians in the Near East. A Crusade had to fulfill strict criteria for the Church to consider it legitimate and just. It had to be waged for purposes of repelling violence or injury, with the goal of imposing justice on wrongdoers. A Crusade was not to be a war of conversion but rather a rightful attempt to recover unjustly seized Christian territory. And only a recognized church authority like the pope could call for one.
Read the entire essay on the City Journal site. Jonathan Riley-Smith, widely considered to be the leading living scholar of the Crusades, is the author of numerous books on the subject, including What Were the Crusades? (Ignatius Press, 2009; fourth edition), an excellent introduction for popular audiences. Read the Preface:
Comments
Whether or not the Crusades as a response to Islamic aggression were justifiable in theory (which perhaps can be argued,) in practice they led to the slaughter of thousands of civilians,
including Christians, and go counter to any secular or religious pretenses at morality. The capture of Jerusalem led to the deaths of over 40,000 civilians (much more than 9/11) which was
traumatic to the Muslim world at the time, Muslims packed into Mosques to mourn the senseless death (again, reminiscent of 9/11.) During the Third Crusade, Richard I had Muslim prisoners
slaughtered because Saladin took too long to pay the ransom. The Muslims were so infuriated by what Richard had done that they mutinied from Saladin and attacked the Christians at Jaffa with such
reckless abandon that Saladin himself sent messages to the Christians on where they should go to hide from his own army.
Where is the morality in the Crusades? The Fourth Crusade was so immoral that the pope who launched it excommunicated the Crusaders. Instead of going to the "Holy Land" they attacked the
Byzantine capital of Constantinople; weakening the Byzantines who would retake the city but then lose it to the Turks. The Crusades, therefore, may have ironically aided in the expansion of
Islam.
Furthermore, the justifications that you site for the Crusades are not telling the whole story. The caliph of Fatimid Egypt, Al Hakim, did attack the Church of the Holy Sepulcher. But he was not
a nominal Muslim, he was considered to be insane, and his Muslim successors rebuilt the Church. There was harassment of Christian pilgrims to Jerusalem during the brief period when the Turks took
the city, but when the Fatimids regained control they were tolerant of pilgrims. Unfortunately for the Fatimids, it was too late; the Crusaders were on their way. They would have gotten there
sooner but, as you mention, they had been too busy slaughtering Jews on the way. To be fair, the popes at the time tried to stop the pogroms.
The fact is that Catholic history is filled with many atrocities. Catholic apologists sometimes sound all too much like Holocaust deniers.
20th 1763 death Limerick
At Ballycahene in the county of Limerick Miss Jane Dalton daughter of
Michael Dalton Esq
The Times
London, Middlesex, England
January 29, 1788
MARRIED
Sunday the 20th instant, at Dover, the Hon. Henry Pomeroy, Member of the ??th Parliament, to Miss Mary Grady; daughter of the late Nicholas Grady, Esq. of the County of Limerick.
The Times
London, Middlesex, England
October 25, 1788
Cyder is so cheap this year, that on the condition of giving two hogsheads, in either the counties of Limerick or Waterford, one of them is filled (or tilled) land given in return for the other.
Cyder is certainly an healthy beverage, but should not be drank too fresh, or in great quantities. It is known by experience that those who drink nothing but this liquor, are stronger, more
healthy, and look better than those who drink wine; of which Lord Bacon gives a remarkable instance of eight old people, who were near, and others above one hundred, who during their whole lives
drink nothing but cyder, and were so vigorous, that they danced and jumped about like young men.
The Times
London, Middlesex, England
April 15, 1788
IRELAND
Dublin, April 10. The following may be depended on:- A large bog, of 1500 acres, lying between Dundrum and the city Callie?? in the county of Tipperary, about twenty-two miles from Limerick, the
centre of which towards the South gave way on Thursday the 27th of March last, at about twelve o'clock at noon and has been in motion ever since, at least until Wednesday se'nnight, when our
correspondent had on that day, at the same hour gone to see its progress, and on the best calculation says, that the discharged body had then covered about 160 acres in length, and about 60 in
breadth, carrying with it every tree, ditch and any other matter it had met with in its way, tearing large alli trees from their roots, and two or three cabins; it had then got on a small river
leading to Golden River, near two miles from this bog, which had advanced its progress; there are several cracks in the opposite part of the bog, which lies adjacent to the estate of John Hide,
Esq.and has covered part of his ground. There had been two large ponds in the centre of the bog, supposed to be very deep, and it is imagined a body of water has got under the bog, which caused
its motion.
The Times
London, Middlesex, England
May 20, 1788
On the 6th inst. between two and three in the afternoon, a water-spout of considerable diameter made its appearance between Adare and Barnakill-bridge in the county of Limerick in Ireland. This
phenomenon, which is rather uncommon in Ireland, is described to have been of a spiral storm, exhibiting a very dazzling brightness, and attended with a ???? somewhat resembling the clash of
arms. It is added that the beasts of the field appeared terrified, and that several crows, as if suddenly killed, dropped to the earth. At the same hour a very heavy rain (accompanied with loud
thunder and unusually vivid flashes of lightning) fell in the city and liberties of Limerick, but did not extend beyond them. We have not heard whether the bursting of the water-spout occasioned
any particular injury to the part where it fell.
The Times
London, Middlesex, England
August 19, 1788
Limerick, August 11, Last Saturday Matthew O'Brien (alias Slattery) John Clancy and Mich. Corbet were executed at Gallows-green, pursuant to their sentence at the last assizes, for different
burglaries and robberies, as mentioned in a former paper.- O'Brien at the place of execution, denied in the most solemn manner his having been concerned in the burglary and robbery of the widow
Barry at Mungret, which was the crime he suffered for, and of which fact he had been convicted in so clear and unequivocal manner, as not to leave the smallest doubt of his guilt on the minds of
the jury or judge.
If a stimulus is requisite to urge a universal adoption of solitary confinement for persons committed to prisons, and particular separate rooms for those who for several offences may be immured
within the walls there of, we imagine no greater can be offered than the dying words of Clanchy and Corbet at the place of execution. "We," said they, " at first were committed to the city crib
on suspicion of crimes we never committed, among a company of wretches whose whole scheme was, when they would be liberated, who they should plunder; thus when acquitted we came out fully ripened
for all manner of iniquity."
The Times
London, Middlesex, England
Saturday, Aug 23, 1788
The time of Mrs. Lewellyn's execution is on the 8th day of November next, as it is not intended to mitigate her punishment. The last woman tried for assisting at a rape, before the condemnation
of the present delinquent, was a Miss G_____, of the county of Roscommon, who went to bed to a young lady, at a house where they were visitors together, and held the lady down, while a brother of
the former perpetrated the crime. They were both tried a few years since, but escaped through the extreme delicacy of the prosecutrix.
The last brothel-keeper executed here, was Dorcas Kelly, in the vaults of whose house in Copper-alley, five bodies of murdered Gentlemen were found, and among the rest, one, supposed to be that
of surgeon Tuckey's son, of whom no account has ever been had. She was burned almost alive, among the groans and execrations of the young people.
1790
Mr. Pratt,
Your sheep are fat,
You may thank your own good grass for that,
Out of three score and eleven,
We have left you seven,
And you may thank us for that.
June 9th 1763
Cork Robert Stackpole, who acted as a captain, and commanded a party
of the White Boys, convicted of killing a bay gelding, by shooting, and
afterwards barbariously beating him with sticks, &c the property of James
Grove, of Ballyhimock near Mallow, Esq (on which a servant of the said
Grove was conducting a leveller to gaol, who was rescued by four men armed
with pistols) on the night of the 24th March last, received sentence of
death, to be executed on Saturday the 26th inst. at the town of Glanworth.
- Stackpole held a council of war (as appeared by the evidence) at which
another party of the levellers, commanded by one Capt. Dey, making in all
5 or 600 men part of them armed, and dressed in their white uniforms, and
white handkerchiefs tied round their hats, assisted, to deliberate on
putting the said gelding to death, as belonging to a gentleman who had
exerted himself in supporting these disturbers of the public tranquility.
June 1763
June Waterford At Waterford
21st Waterford At six o'clock in the evening, ended the assizes for the
trial of the levellers, &c. when Darby Browne, Patrick Browne, Richard
Power, David Ahearne, and Richard Healy, were found guilty of treason, in
burning the house of John Fowloe, at Monehue; and are to be hanged and
quartered on the 7th of July next.
21st Waterford Maurice Kelly, and Maurice Sheehy were found guilty of
burglary, to be hanged the 10th of July.
21st Waterford David Crowly, Laurence Dowhigg, otherwise Drummer, John
Hallaghan, Thomas Keily, and Richard Ahearn, were found guilty of Felony,
in cutting down Doctor Kirby's trees in the night; each burned in the
hand, and all to be imprisoned for eight months, except Hallaghan, who is
to be imprisoned for six months.
21st Waterford John Mungane, and Michael Duggan, were found guilty of
burying a man alive, fined five marks each, and to be imprisoned for two
years.
The Courage to Combat Violence Done in the Name of Islam
Fr. Roger J. Landry
The Anchor
Editorial
November 12, 2010
Halloween proved to be particularly ghastly for Syrian Catholics in Baghdad
as they went to Church for the Sunday afternoon Mass. During the Eucharistic
Celebration at Our Lady of Deliverance Cathedral, as these Christians were
peacefully and prayerfully worshipping God, nine Muslim terrorists burst
into the Church, gunned down three priests in the sanctuary and with bullets
and bombs attempted to massacre the entire congregation, leaving 58 dead and
75 wounded. After the mass execution, the “Islamic State of Iraq,” an
Al-Qaeda affiliated slaughter-society, took responsibility for the action
and declared in a press release that it was only the beginning. “Starting
today all the churches and Christian organizations and their leaders are a
legitimate target.”
That statement made plain what Christians in Iraq and in several other
Muslim countries have been experiencing on the ground, that certain
fanatical and homicidal Muslims consider them “legitimate targets” not only
for discrimination but also for death simply on the basis of their Christian
faith. During the recently concluded Synod on the Middle East held in the
Vatican, Iraqi bishops spoke of what the Christians in the country have had
to endure over the past few years: kidnappings, the bombings of churches,
schools and parish centers, violence to Christian businesses and
livelihoods, the brutal murders of an archbishop and several priests. The
Halloween massacre by nine Muslim terrorists shouting “Allahu akbar,” [“God
is great”] as they sought to exterminate an entire Christian congregation,
is a sign that these terrorists are not bluffing when they say they consider
“all the churches and Christian organizations” legitimate targets for
liquidation.
Canadian columnist, Fr. Raymond de Souza, wrote in an article last week for
Toronto’s “The Catholic Register” that it was time to stop ducking the
question of genocidal violence by those acting subjectively in the name of
Islam. “May we now speak of the Muslims who want to kill us?,” he candidly
asked. After mentioning the necessary disclaimers — “Christians and Muslims
have often lived together in peace,” “only a minority of Muslims are
homicidal fanatics,” and “terrorism is a corruption of Islam” — he stressed
that we have to “speak frankly of those Islamic jihadists who wish to kill
Christians because they are not Muslims.” If the blood of Abel, the first
innocent to be killed, cried out to heaven, he continued, “the blood of
these latest Iraqi martyrs screams out to heaven and earth. Does the world
want to listen?”
That the world has been turning a deaf ear to the cries of Iraqi Christians
was emphasized by Syrian Catholic Patriarch Ignace Joseph III Younan of
Antioch in Lebanon. “Christians are slaughtered in Iraq, in their homes and
churches, and the so-called ‘free’ world is watching in complete
indifference, interested only in responding in a way that is politically
correct and economically opportune, but in reality is hypocritical,” said
the Patriarch, who from 1995-2009 was the Bishop of Our Lady of Deliverance
of Newark, NJ. “There are a few churches and Christian institutions left in
Baghdad, not so great a number that it is not unreasonable for them to be
protected, security-wise,” he continued, saying that the protection provided
by the Iraqi government is “far less than what we have hoped for and
requested.”
The Catholic bishops of the Holy Land said in a joint statement that it’s no
longer a time for words, but for decisive action on the part of those who
have the responsibility to provide order. “Words of distress, condemnation
and incrimination are no longer enough in the face of the horror that is
taking place repeatedly in Iraq, especially with regard to Christians over
the past years, and which reached a pinnacle of savage insanity with the
massacre” on October 31 in Baghdad. “The time has come for those who are
responsible to own up to their responsibility, to stand up to those who have
lost any sense of humanity, curbing their insatiable thirst for blood and
reckoning with and punishing anyone who plans or carries out such criminal
acts.” They specifically called upon the Arab League, the Organization of
the Islamic Conference, and the United Nations Security Council, “before it
is too late,” to focus on “the danger of those who seek to exploit religions
for the purpose of a clash of civilizations”.
Cardinal Francis George of Chicago, the president of the United States
Conference of Catholic Bishops, called on the U.S. government to get
involved, saying that the United States bears responsibility for working
effectively with the Iraqi government to stem the violence. “Having invaded
Iraq, the U.S. government has a moral obligation not to abandon those Iraqis
who cannot defend themselves.” He called upon the United States “to take
additional steps to help Iraq protect its citizens, especially the most
vulnerable.”
For the United States to get involved in protecting Iraqi Christians from
being slaughtered, there may need to be a culture shift among political
leaders, citizens and the media. The present administration seems incapable
even of suggesting that some terrorism is done subjectively in the name of
Islam, whether it concerns the recent bloodbath of Baghdad Christians or the
horrendous slaughter of nearly three thousand innocents on September 11,
2011. The media also needs to examine itself. Media outlets have recently
been obsessed with the threat of an obscure Florida pastor to burn the
Muslim holy book or the possibility of anti-Muslim discrimination concerning
a Muslim community center in lower Manhattan, but they have basically
ignored not just routine anti-Christian discrimination in our country but
also things far more serious than Koran-burning, such as when terrorists,
purportedly following the Koran, brutally decimate an entire Catholic parish
in Baghdad. It’s time for American citizens in general, and Christians in
particular, to rise up and — while reaffirming that anti-religious bigotry
and the desecration of holy books must always be opposed — reaffirm that the
mass murder of innocent human beings is incalculably worse, and to demand
that the government do what it can to assist the Iraqi government in
eliminating it.
We also must squarely face the unpleasant reality that terrorism done in the
name of Islam is not going to disappear on its own or be resolved by
dipomacy. As Fr. de Souza wrote in a National Post column earlier this week,
“The blood on the altar makes it clear. No amount of goodwill, no amount of
dialogue, no amount of circumlocutory evasions, no amount of supine
prostrations — nothing will dissuade the jihadists. … The jihadists respect
neither man nor God, not even their own. They have killed their fellow
Muslims and bombed mosques. The Christians killed on Sunday were Iraqis,
their fellow Arabs, their fellow citizens, their neighbors. They kill
because they are seized with a murderous hatred. The least we can do is to
summon a righteous anger in return.”
Not just a righteous anger but a resolve.
One of the great Christian paradoxes is that, on the one-hand, Jesus calls
us to turn the other cheek, to love our enemies, to rejoice when we’re
persecuted, and to recognize that if he was hated, tortured and even
murdered, many of us will be as well. Some have falsely interpreted this as
if the Christian needs to lie down and allow himself and others to be
slaughtered. But these imperatives need to be balanced by the recognition
that Jesus is the good shepherd who lays down his life for his sheep and
likewise calls us to lay down our lives for each other, to protect others
from ravenous wolves of the natural and supernatural orders. The right to
self-defense, even to using lethal force when other means are incapable of
stopping aggressors, becomes a moral duty for those whose offices entail the
protection of others.
Many have been failing in their responsibility to protect the innocent
Christians in Iraq and elsewhere from violence carried out subjectively in
the name of Islam. No devout Christian should ever be allowed to be a
“legitimate target” for being murdered. It’s time for the widespread
dereliction of duty in their regard to stop.
The following is an extract from a book called “Father Michael O’ Flanagan Republican priest” by Desmond Greaves.
The Cliffoney Turbary
Quite often small events in themselves show people how they stand. The authorities began to use the emergency of war to make inroads on the rights of the people, and one example took place at Cliffoney, where the Congested District Boards announced that turf banks which had been available to the Cliffoney people for generations were to be reserved for its own tenant.
It was then that Father O’ Flanagan showed that he had not forgotten he had sprung from the people. He conducted a long correspondence with the bureaucrats of the C.D.B without success. Many a man would then have regarded his duty as done and told the people they had no choice but to submit. Not so Father O’ Flanagan.
On June 29th 1915, he asked his congregation to wait outside the chapel after mass, where he addressed them as follows:-
“The people are sick of promises” he said “ what I advise the people to do is for every man who wants a turf bank and can work a turf spade to go to the waste bog tomorrow and cut plenty of turf. You need not be in the least afraid. God put this bog there for the use of the people and if you are not as well fortified as if you were in a German trench, you will be a formidable opponent enough if anybody chances to come along and interfere with you.
I’ll go myself, and if anybody has a spare turf spade I’ll show you that I can cut turf too.
“Have we been quiet too long? Are we going to let poor little children shiver to death with cold next winter for want of a fire? I think if we start tomorrow morning at nine o’ clock it would be a good thing”.
Next Morning 160 people assembled outside Cliffoney chapel and marched from Father Flanagan’s house to the bog. They cut 12,000 cubic feet of turf every day till August 16th. 1915